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September 2006 1. "Talabani expects Turkish Kurd rebels to call
ceasefire", Iraqi President Jalal Talabani has met with Turkish
Kurd rebels based in northern Iraq and is expecting them to soon announce
a ceasefire in their armed campaign in Turkey. 1. - Kurdishaspect.com / AFP - "Talabani expects Turkish Kurd
rebels to call ceasefire": Iraqi President Jalal Talabani has met with Turkish Kurd rebels based in northern Iraq and is expecting them to soon announce a ceasefire in their armed campaign in Turkey. Talabani, a Kurd, met with leaders of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) and "said a ceasefire declaration may be possible in a short time," Talabani's spokesman, Kamran Qaradaghi, told the NTV news channel on Monday. The spokesman was commenting on remarks by Talabani in an interview with the US magazine Newsweek. "We convinced the PKK to stop fighting, and within days it will officially announce a ceasefire," he said, according to Newsweek's web site. "This will help Iraq open a new chapter in relations with Turkey," Talabani added. "We are urging the Turkish Kurds to be moderate, to wage their struggle through democratic means." PKK leaders, including Ocalan, have also spoken about the possibility of a ceasefire in recent weeks. Turkey has long urged Iraq and the United States to crack down on the PKK in northern Iraq, a Kurdish-run region where thousands militants found save haven after the group declared a unilateral ceasefire in 1999 following the capture of their leader Abdullah Ocalan. The truce was called off in June 2004 and the PKK, blacklisted as a terrorist group by Turkey, the European Union and the United States, has notably stepped up attacks on Turkish territory this year. Ankara has threatened a cross-border operation into northern Iraq to pursue the PKK if Baghdad and Washington fail to curb the rebels. The Turkish government charges that northern Iraq has become a training ground for the PKK and a springboard for its attacks across the border. It says that PKK rebels enjoy unrestricted movement in the region and are easily able to obtain weapons and explosives there. Last week, Iraq announced that it would close down all PKK offices in the country. Ankara is also urging Baghdad to declare the PKK a terrorist organization and arrest its leaders. The Kurdish conflict in Turkey has claimed more than 37,000 lives
since 1984 when the PKK took up arms for self-rule in the country's
predominantly Kurdish southeast. 2. - REUTERS - "Iraq would welcome US military bases -Talabani": Iraqi President Jalal Talabani said he would like to have U.S. military bases in his country for an extended period to prevent foreign interference in Iraq, the Washington Post said on Monday. Talabani was asked in an interview in New York last week if U.S. bases would be welcome in Iraq's Kurdistan region. "Yes, they are welcome," he said. "Kurdistan wants the Americans to stay. In some places Sunnis want the Americans to stay. Sunnis think the main danger is coming from Iran now. There is a change in the mind of the Sunnis. The Sunnis are for having good relations with America." Talabani said Iraq would be in need of U.S. forces for "a long time" to prevent interference from other nations. "I don't ask to have 100,000 American soldiers -- 10,000 soldiers and two air bases would be enough," he said. "This will be (in) the interest of the Iraqi people and of peace in the Middle East." Talabani said Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki had received strong assurances during a recent trip to Iran that Tehran would not meddle in Iraqi affairs. Despite daily attacks and the prospects of civil war, Talabani said democracy is beginning to take root in Iraq. "Iraq is not in chaos," he said. "I want to assure
the American people that Iraqis are now enjoying democracy and human
rights and are struggling to secure the country. 3. - BIANET - "Security Courts Relaunched For Journalists!": The cases of journalists charged with "propaganda" and prosecuted at Criminal Courts of First Instance for interviews conducted with armed organization leaders are being transferred to Specialized High Criminal Courts under recent amendments made to Turkey's Anti-Terror Law. Initially subject to the transfers are a group of 4 Turkish journalists whose cases have been continuing at lower level courts. Mass circulation daily Hurriyet reporter Sebati Karakurt's case where he is charged for an interview conducted with outlawed Kurdish Peoples' Congress (Kongra-Gel) was initially opened at a High Criminal Court but then transferred to a Criminal Court of First Instance. With a new decision taken under the Anti-Terror Law, his case, where editors Necdet Tatlican and Hasan Kilic are co-defendants, is to go back to a High Criminal Court. Similarly, daily Milliyet newspaper reporter Namik Durukan who interviewed outlawed Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) leader Abdullah Ocalan's brother Osman Ocalan will also be tried at a High Criminal Court if his appeal against this decision is rejected. The fact that the courts these newsmen will appear at are "Specialized High Criminal Courts" is seen as a resurrection of the controversial post-coup State Security Courts (DGM) which were abolished in 2004 under the European Union reforms. Lack of Jurisdiction in 2 Cases Decisions to send the four newsmen to be tried at Specialized High Criminal Courts were taken on Friday, September 21, by an Istanbul Court of First Instance. In two separate cases heard at the Bagcilar 2nd Criminal Court of First Instance, the bench decided on lack of jurisdiction under the amendments made in the Anti Terror Law as published in the Official Gazette on July 18. The amended article 9 of the law states that cases regarding offences described in the law will be heard at High Criminal Courts and that children over the age of 15 who commit such offences will also be prosecuted at such courts. The first case was that involving Durukan for his April 29, 2005 interview published in the Milliyet newspaper. Interviewed by Durukan after the birth of his son, Osman Ocalan who led a splinter group out of the ranks of the PKK, told the journalists of the many changes that affected his life and openly criticized the PKK. "Osman is rocking the cradle " and "PKK should withdraw" were the headlines of Durukan's interview in published format and in Friday's hearing where he rejected charges against him, the newsman maintained that the interview was not a propaganda of the organization but in fact a criticism of its conduct. Facing up to five years imprisonment if found guilty, Durukan told the court on Friday "I do not accept the allegations. There was no propaganda of the organization, it was criticized. In the news report Osman Ocalan's leaving the organization and his criticism directed at the organization were covered. The changes that affected Osman Ocalan after the birth of his child while being referred to as leader of a 'child killing' organization were explained". Despite Durukan's defense and his being an accredited journalist operating in the Southeast region for many years, Judge Muhterem Bulut chose to act in accord with the opinion of Prosecutor Mehmet Sahin and under the amendment mad to the Anti-Terror Law decided on a lack of jurisdiction and for the case file to be sent to the Istanbul Justice Hall for a trial to be held at a High Criminal Court. Kandil interview back to High Court An October 10, 2004 article in the Sunday edition of Hurriyet newspaper titled "Women Awareness Exceeds Kurdish Identity in Kandil" was based on an interview conducted by reporter Sebati Karakurt on Kandil mountain, the rural headquarters of the Kongra-Gel which is a continuation of the PKK. Karakurt was promptly charged for "publishing the statements of a terror organization" and prosecuted for this and conducting propaganda of the terror organization. The newspaper's editors Necdet Tatlican and Hasan Kilic were prosecuted for propaganda too. In addition to his interview with Kongra-Gel leader Murat Karayilan, Karakurt had written a news report reflecting the changes in the lives of militants living on Kandil mountain for so many years, inclusive of awareness of women rights and a rising consciousness of their own identity of female militants. Karakurt's house was raided after the news went into print, leading to reaction among journalist groups but his case launched initially at a High Criminal Court was transferred to a Court of First Instance. Last week, like in Durukan's case, the Bagcilar 2nd Criminal Court
of First Instance rejected to continue to hear this case which has
now also been sent to the High Criminal Court. 4. - The New Anatolian - "Refocusing on Turkey's EU prospects
and the need to get rid of 301": The Justice and Development (AK) Party government should be given credit for the great strides Turkey has made on its EU track. By the same token, it also has to bear the main responsibility in the slowdown of Turkey's transformation due to its loss of EU enthusiasm. One -- if not the main -- reason is that the AK Party has become a captive to Turkey's growing nationalism, and xenophobia, which comes with it. Calculations for the upcoming elections year and thereby conceding to nationalist sentiments in order to deprive opposition parties of the opportunity of playing on such sentiments is understandable to a certain extent. But there should be a limit to this, otherwise the government (and the ruling party) will face enormous difficulties in putting the genie that it helped to come out back into the bottle. In this sense, the debate around the notorious Article 301 of the revised Turkish Penal Code (TCK) bodes well, particularly the positive attitude displayed by Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan and his deputy Abdullah Gul. The Elif Safak trial case seems to have become a watershed in this respect. The case brought out splits within the government. Justice Minister and government spokesperson Cemil Cicek is still adamant about keeping Article 301 on the premise that we should wait to see its implementation as there has not yet been a ruling by the Court of Appeal on this issue. He's playing on false national pride in saying that Turkey cannot change legislation just because Europeans ask for it. However, intuitively, the prime minister is becoming aware that Article 301 could constitute a greater excuse for the anti-Turkey elements in the EU, much more than that of the Cyprus issue, in facilitating a "train crash" between Turkey and the Union. His awareness of the matter is also an indicator of him coming back to his senses in considering the EU process a priority, both for Turkey and him to remain in power. These are positive signs. There's no doubt that the two leading figures in the government, Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Abdullah Gul and Turkey's chief EU negotiator Ali Babacan, have helped Erdogan regain his senses. The main problem lies with the opposition. Turkey is a unique case in which the opposition parties are sticking less to the principles of democracy compared to the ruling power. When it comes to changing legislation for further democratization of the country, the opposition parties place obstacles on the government's path. The so-called social democratic opposition party, the Republican People's Party (CHP), is the leading element in this farce. It is also high time for Socialist International to kick this party out of its fold, if European socialists are keen to assist Turkey's democracy. We, in Turkey, are already aware that this CHP is in no way related to social democracy or socialism. But an international punishment would at least help its rank and file to contemplate their real place on both the Turkish and international political maps. The ninth reform package that the government presented to Parliament to harmonize with EU requirements before the European Commission's progress report on Turkey is finalized in November will remain crippled as long as the TCK continues to include that ridiculous Article 301. It is high time to focus on Turkey's EU prospects once again and
push the debate further to get rid of Article 301. 5. - Cihan News Agency - "Constitution Bill Submitted to Kurdish
Regional Parliament": The constitutional bill, which was presented to the Iraqi President Jalal Talabani and Kurdish region President Massoud Barzani for approval last week, was read and discussed in a special session in the parliament on Sunday. In the bill, the capital city of the regional administration is shown as Erbil and no other forces other than peshmergas are allowed. The bill, including a total of 160 articles, will be presented to associations, non-governmental organizations and political circles through the press to ask for their opinions. In addition, citizens will be able to make comments about the constitution bill in a forum on the Internet. Tarik Cambaz, a member of the Constitution Preparation Commission, said they benefited from the constitutions of multi-cultural and multi-religious countries such as India, Sweden and Belgium emphasizing that they considered the interests of regional public while doing this. Consensus on Federalism in Baghdad The constitution will not be expected to be announced until the end of the year; however, it is not yet clear when the bill will be sent to a referendum. Some think that the referendum should be held after the status of Kerkuk (Kirkuk) is determined. In the meantime, members in the Iraqi parliament reached a consensus about discussing the legislative proposal that foresees Shiites forming a federal region in Iraq. Adnan al-Dulaymi , the head of Iraqi Accordance Front, which is the largest Sunni Arab party in the Iraqi parliament, said that a committee would be set up in the parliament on Monday to handle the legislative proposal that necessitates an amendment in the Iraqi constitution. The United Iraqi Alliance, the largest Shiite party, stated that
the committee would start the process to amend the constitution. The
constitutional amendment will expectedly take at least a year. 6. - Stratfor - "Iraqi Kurds: Playing it Safe in Turkey's PKK
War": The militant separatist group Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) claimed responsibility Sept. 24 for two bombings in eastern Turkey a day earlier. In the first incident, a mine placed on railroad tracks near the town of Elazig derailed seven cars and damaged eight others. Later in the day, a vehicle-borne improvised explosive device (IED) detonated outside a police compound in the town of Igdir, on the Turkish-Armenian border, wounding 17 people. The PKK has increased attacks on Turkish security, government and commercial targets in the Kurdish-majority areas of the country in recent months. Meanwhile its offshoot, the Kurdistan Freedom Hawks (TAK), has been attacking economic and tourism targets in Istanbul and along Turkey's Aegean and Mediterranean coasts. While attacks attributed to the PKK occur frequently, they are not as devastating as militant attacks by Sunni nationalist, jihadist and Shiite militia groups in neighboring Iraq. One reason for this is the Iraqi Kurds' general hands-off approach to the militant struggle of their brethren in Turkey. Ankara, Tehran and Damascus have often persecuted the Kurds that make up the majority in parts of eastern Turkey, northwestern Iran and northern Syria -- an effort aimed at curtailing any ambitions toward creating an independent Kurdistan in the region. The Kurds in northern Iraq, however, have enjoyed increasing autonomy since 1991, when they began receiving aid and protection from the United States at the end of the Persian Gulf War. After that war, the Kurds' peshmerga militia was able to operate more openly, while the Kurds themselves began conducting their affairs largely without interference from Baghdad. Since the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq in 2003, a de facto Kurdish autonomous region has been established in the country, giving the Iraqi Kurds their largest degree of autonomy in history. Since 2003, Iraq has become an arms bazaar, with mountains of explosives and other ordnance literally left lying on the ground by the Hussein regime. As a result, militant groups operating in Iraq have access to ample quantities of military-grade explosives, such as 152mm artillery shells used to make IEDs, rocket-propelled grenades and mortars. With Iraqi Kurdistan bordering Turkey, it would seem the PKK also could obtain these explosives and deploy much more effective IEDs against the Turkish military and security forces. The Iraqi Kurds, however, have good reason not to supply their Turkish kinsmen with powerful explosives, as doing so would risk alienating their powerful U.S. patron and their quiet supporter Israel. Perhaps most important, they risk a large-scale Turkish military response in their territory, as occurred in 1995 and 1996. The Iraqi Kurds have too much to lose by actively supporting the PKK. Recently the Iraqi government announced that PKK facilities in the country would be shut down. Although Iraqi Kurds support the PKK in spirit, and might provide the group limited material support, the Kurdish political parties and provisional governments in northern Iraq are wary of giving Turkey any reason to interfere in their affairs. Moreover, they want to avoid sending any message to Iran or Syria that would make the countries feel threatened by the establishment of an official Kurdish autonomous region in Iraq. Furthermore, there is some friction between the PKK and the Iraqi Kurds. In the aftermath of Operation Desert Storm, the PKK and Iraqi Kurds engaged in a bitter dispute over the regions they controlled and the sharing of revenues from the Turkish-Iraqi border. The mountainous border was not fully controlled by either Baghdad or Ankara, so the PKK took the opportunity to stage attacks against Turkey from there. The Iraqi Kurds, led by Kurdish Democratic Party head Massoud Barzani, asked the PKK in 1995 to scale down its attacks from Iraqi territory to prevent a Turkish military response. The PKK ignored the request, and Barzani subsequently sent the peshmerga after PKK units in Iraq in an effort to prevent a Turkish invasion. During the subsequent Kurdish civil war, the Turkish military also entered Iraq to conduct operations against the PKK. The Iraqi Kurds, fully aware that the autonomy they have gained over
the past 15 years is due largely to U.S. support, are unwilling to
jeopardize that status by supporting the PKK in its war against Ankara.
Washington is fully capable of withdrawing its support should the
Kurds in Iraq actively support a group the U.S. State Department considers
a terrorist organization.
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