11 May 2004

1. "German official barred from visiting imprisoned Kurdish rights activist", Turkish officials on Monday barred the German government's official for human rights, Claudia Roth, from visiting imprisoned Kurdish human rights award winner Leyla Zana and three other fomer Kurdish lawmakers at an Ankara jail, an spokesman for Roth said.

2. "Secularists fight Turkish education reform", Turkey is going through one of its periodic convulsions over the role of Islam in this stridently secular country.

3. "Commission welcomes Turkey's new constitutional reforms", the recent adoption by the Turkish Parliament of a series of constitutional amendments proves Ankara's strong commitment to political reforms and constitutes another step towards the country's compliance with the Copenhagen political criteria, the Commission said on 7 May. The current constitution dates from 1982, when the country was still under military rule.

4. "Gusenbauer: Neither Turkey nor EU ready for Turkey's membership", Alfred Gusenbauer, the leader of Austria's main opposition Social Democrat Party (SPO), said on Sunday that Turkey does not possess the maturity to become a member of the European Union, nor does the EU have the maturity to accept Turkey.

5. "Erdogan visits Greece, with a decided eye on EU accession", the visit of Turkish Premier Recep Tayyip Erdogan to Greece over the weekend was a sure-footed exercise in dispute management following the messy outcome of the Cyprus referendum a fortnight ago.

6. "Two human rights activists freed in Syria", Syrian authorities on Sunday released two human rights activists detained in March after a rare protest demanding freedom for political prisoners and greater democracy, their lawyer said.

1. - AFP - "German official barred from visiting imprisoned Kurdish rights activist":

ANKARA / 10 May 2004

Turkish officials on Monday barred the German government's official for human rights, Claudia Roth, from visiting imprisoned Kurdish human rights award winner Leyla Zana and three other fomer Kurdish lawmakers at an Ankara jail, an spokesman for Roth said.

Roth, who is in the Turkish capital with a group of German MPs, had asked for permission to visit Zana and her friends before coming to Turkey, but her request was rebuffed on the grounds that the convicts could receive visits only from relatives and lawyers, the spokesman told AFP on condition of anonymity.

"She nonetheless went to the prison just to give Zana flowers, but no one let her in. So she left the flowers outside the prison," the spokesman added.

Zana, the winner of the European Parliament's 1995 Sakharov prize, and three other former Kurdish MPs -- Hatip Dicle, Orhan Dogan and Selim Sadak -- were sentenced to 15 years in jail in 1994 for membership of an armed Kurdish rebel group.

They were allowed a retrial under reforms adopted by the Turkish government in a bid to align itself with the norms of the European Union which it is seeking to join.

Last month, the court hearing the retrial convicted the four defendants again and ordered them to serve the remainder of their sentences.

The ruling came under harsh criticism from the European Union which warned that it could jeopardize Ankara's drive to become a member of the bloc.

2. - Financial Times - "Secularists fight Turkish education reform":

11 May 2004 / by Vincent Boland

Turkey is going through one of its periodic convulsions over the role of Islam in this stridently secular country.

An education reform bill to be debated in parliament this week that grants more rights to university education to students from religious high schools has handed the government its biggest crisis since the build-up to the Iraq war.

At issue is a proposal in the bill to allow young people trained as imams and preachers to go to university and to pursue careers as state officials, judges, lawyers or teachers.

It has caused outrage among universities, much criticism in the media, and brought the most forceful intervention by the military into civilian affairs since the Islamic-oriented Justice and Development party (AKP) came to power in late 2002.

The government says the proposal, part of its election manifesto, is intended to correct an injustice. In 1999, two years after a notorious "post-modern coup" had ended Turkey's first experiment with an Islamic-oriented government, a law was passed banning these "imam hatip" students from going on to pursue professional careers.

They could only become religious leaders once they had left high school, not potentially proselytising state officials.

The military and the establishment were determined to keep the administration of this country of 70m Muslims secular.

Universities are opposed to what they see as a threat to their role in nurturing secular society.

The Higher Education Board accuses the government of politicising education and doing "irreparable damage" to the secular system. But the most controversial intervention is from the military.

In spite of their diminishing role in civilian affairs, the armed forces general staff, the guardians of Ataturk's secular nation, claim the proposal violates "the principles of the republic", a stance that has received backing in the media.

The government has been unsettled by the controversy, and denies any political motivation for its measure, which some commentators say is a concession by Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the prime minister, to the conservative wing of the AKP.

"There is no hidden agenda," says Murat Mercin, an AKP deputy chairman. "We are pursuing membership of the EU. If you look at what we have done so far, that claim has no grounds."

But he adds: "You have to look at the desires and needs and expectations of Turkish voters and the promises we made to them in our election campaign. This bill is part of an attempt to reduce [discrimination] among high school graduates."

Even if parliament approves the bill, Ahmed Necdet Sezer, the president, is almost certain to veto it. The government would then have to decide whether to drop the bill, amend it, or shelve it.

However, the controversy over the government's measure highlights a subtle change under way in Turkish society. The secular state is in apparent retreat after years of misgovernment that led to the financial crisis of 2001, by common consent the nadir of modern Turkish history.

A new middle class is emerging from the country's once-marginalised Muslim heartland. It is socially conservative, devout and increasingly prosperous, and it votes for the AKP. The party has also attracted support from secular Turks sick of the corruption and incompetence of previous governments.

These swing voters may not like the measure on imam hatip schools. But most voters support the greater democratisation of Turkey that the AKP is pursuing, including measures to tame the military, improve human rights and modernise the administration of the state.

The irony that an Islamic-oriented government is proving more progressive in both domestic and international affairs than the secular parties that preceded it is not lost on either side. That has stirred the insecurities of some secular Turks, who fear that as Turkey becomes more democratic, it may inevitably become more Islamic.

"Everyone is afraid that one day this [Islamic takeover] may happen in Turkey," says Ural Akbulut, rector of Middle East Technical University in Ankara and a leading critic of the proposed measure.

"We are afraid that one day our wives and daughters will be unable to walk out on the street without a headscarf without being beaten up."

Turks want their country to be more democratic. Bulent Akarcali, a minister in a former government, says there need not be any tension between Turkey becoming both more democratic and more Islamic. But, he adds: "Islamists should be aware that they cannot exploit a more democratic Turkey in order to impose a more Islamic Turkey."

3. - EurActiv - "Commission welcomes Turkey's new constitutional reforms":

10 May 2004

The recent adoption by the Turkish Parliament of a series of constitutional amendments proves Ankara's strong commitment to political reforms and constitutes another step towards the country's compliance with the Copenhagen political criteria, the Commission said on 7 May. The current constitution dates from 1982, when the country was still under military rule.

The new package of reforms was put forward by the governing Justice and Development Party and was approved by 457 votes to eight. The package, which amended ten articles of the constitution, is the ninth to be introduced by Turkey since 2001.

Key amendments in the package were those that abolished state security courts, reduced the influence of the military and deleted all references to capital punishment. Other amendments included the introduction of the sentence "men and women have equal rights" and a ban on military representatives from boards that oversee broadcasting and higher education.

"This new package shows once again the strong commitment of Turkey to political reforms and constitutes another step towards compliance with the entry criteria," the Commission said in a statement.

The Commission is scheduled to draft a report on Turkey's prospects for EU membership in June and again in October. EU leaders will decide in December whether to open accession talks with Ankara.

Meanwhile, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan visited Athens on 7 May and met with his Greek counterpart, Kostas Karamanlis. It was the first formal visit by a Turkish prime minister to Greece since 1988. Both sides said the talks were held in a very positive atmosphere.

4. - Turkish Daily News - "Gusenbauer: Neither Turkey nor EU ready for Turkey's membership":

ANKARA / 11 May 2004

Alfred Gusenbauer, the leader of Austria's main opposition Social Democrat Party (SPO), said on Sunday that Turkey does not possess the maturity to become a member of the European Union, nor does the EU have the maturity to accept Turkey.

Speaking in Monday's Kurier newspaper, Gusenbauer said that the EU's enlargement process had been ill-prepared due to mistakes made by the Austrian government. He said accepting Turkey as a member country would be irresponsible without first achieving complete integration of all 25 members within the union.

Stressing that he did not wish to speculate on a date for Turkey's bid for EU membership, Gusenbauer said that no one could claim that Turkey had fulfilled the Copenhagen criteria. Should this become the case in the future, however, the accession talks could duly commence.

He went on to say that he did not want his words to be taken such that he opposed Turkey's aim of membership in the EU due to religious or ethnic reasons. In his opinion the EU was giving false hope to Turkey.

5. - The Daily Star (Lebanon) - "Erdogan visits Greece, with a decided eye on EU accession":

11 May 2004 / by Philip Robins

The visit of Turkish Premier Recep Tayyip Erdogan to Greece over the weekend was a sure-footed exercise in dispute management following the messy outcome of the Cyprus referendum a fortnight ago. As such it was a good illustration of the new style of Turkish diplomacy: confident, energetic and designed to build mutual trust, where caution, suspicion and peevishness once ruled.

Erdogan's main aim in going to Athens was to ensure that bilateral ties remained firm, in spite of the vote on Cyprus in which the Turkish Cypriots opted for the UN peace plan while the Greek Cypriots turned it down. This split was not sufficient to prevent the island from joining the European Union on May 1, while the Turkish-controlled North remains suspended in international limbo.

In the years prior to the 1999 rapprochement between Greece and Turkey, such developments would have precipitated a sudden deterioration in relations. At best, Ankara would have sulked - against the EU in general and Greece in particular. At worst, it would have sought to punish the "Hellenic world" for what would have been seen as enemy action.

The response of Erdogan's "post-Islamist" Justice and Development Party (AKP) government has been more comprehending and mature. First, it has trusted its Western friends to reward Northern Cypriots for their cooperation and to bring home to the Southerners that things will not remain the same after their vote. Hence, the EU has unlocked aid to the North that was linked to a positive outcome in the referendum, while warning Greek Cypriots that they cannot take up all of the seats in the European Parliament reserved for the island.

There has been even more to perplex Nicosia in the American reaction. On a visit to the US, Mehmet Ali Talat, the pro-settlement leader of the Turkish Cypriots, was addressed by Secretary of State Colin Powell as "Mr. Prime Minister." This was not bad for an entity that is formally not supposed to exist. Powell, furthermore, insisted on referring to the "Greek Cypriot government," rather than the "government of Cyprus." While general recognition of the so-called Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus remains a long way off, rejectionist Greek Cypriot politicians are feeling the diplomatic heat, with more expected to come.

In addition to having faith in their old friends, Ankara has also shown faith in its new relationship with Athens, this in spite of the recent electoral defeat of the chief architect of Greek-Turkish rapprochement, Pan-Hellenic Socialist Party leader George Papandreou. Erdogan's visit to Athens was partly aimed at establishing a close working relationship with the new Greek prime minister, Costas Karamanlis.

Again, Erdogan did not have to wait long for his reward. As with all high-level bilateral visits, there was the usual guff about establishing direct flights between Athens and Ankara, creating joint ventures through which to develop commercial markets in the Balkans and the Middle East, and a commitment to boosting bilateral trade, now at some $1.3 billion.

However, there were two developments of note. First, Karamanlis reiterated the Greek commitment to supporting Turkey's demand for a date to be given at the EU summit next December for the start of accession negotiations. The announcement of an early date is key to the maintenance of Erdogan's political prestige at home. Moreover, it is pivotal to the consolidation of a liberal pluralist political atmosphere in Turkey - an existential issue as far as the longer-term prospects for the AKP are concerned.

Second, Karamanlis, after his lukewarm performance during the referendum, displayed considerable faith in Erdogan by inviting him to visit Western Thrace, the home of Greece's Turkish Muslim minority. In the past, Athens had refused to acknowledge this community as "Turkish," regarding it as a potential "fifth column" favoring Ankara. The recent relaxation in some of the restrictions imposed on the community, together with Erdogan's responsible behavior during the visit, indicated that the taboo no longer exists, at least as a blight on improving relations.

For his part, Erdogan refused to let the Cyprus outcome tarnish relations with Greece or jeopardize the far bigger prize of converging relations with the EU. He dealt with the awkward matter of Cyprus by insisting that the issue was "effectively resolved," in spite of the special status of the North. In the past, Turkish diplomats and politicians would have struggled to get beyond the issue of Cyprus, let alone to acknowledge that Turkey's interests in the EU were more important.

Good as the trip to Athens was for Erdogan, the option of coasting through to the December EU summit does not exist. Intensive work needs to be done beforehand on a handful of problem issues having to do with the status of the Aegean Sea and its air space. Because of their 1999 EU Helsinki summit obligations, Greece and Turkey will be obliged to go to the International Court of Justice in The Hague for arbitration if they fail to resolve these outstanding problems. It is widely believed that such a development would disadvantage Turkey.

Meanwhile, in looking forward to December, Turkey will next have to deal with French President Jacques Chirac's political allies in France, who have increasingly adopted anti-Turkish positions in a shameless bid to garner votes in next month's European elections. It seems that there will be no shortage of issues to which Erdogan will have to apply himself and Turkey's newfound eneregtic and confident diplomacy in the months ahead.

* Philip Robins is a lecturer in politics and international relations at Oxford University and a Fellow of St. Antony's College. His "Suits and Uniforms: Turkish Foreign Policy Since the Cold War" (Hurst & University of Washington Press) was published last year. He wrote this commentary for THE DAILY STAR.

6. - Independent Online (South Africa) - "Two human rights activists freed in Syria":

DAMASCUS / 10 May 2004

Syrian authorities on Sunday released two human rights activists detained in March after a rare protest demanding freedom for political prisoners and greater democracy, their lawyer said.

But the head of the group that organised the protest, Aktham Naisse, remained in solitary confinement in a prison west of Damascus, lawyer Anwar al-Bunni said. He said Naisse, who was admitted to hospital in April after a stroke, remained in poor health.

"We call for the release of all prisoners, including Naisse," al-Bunni said.

Naisse heads the Committees for the Defence of Democratic Liberties and Human Rights in Syria, a voice of dissent in a country that has had an authoritarian government for decades. The two activists released Sunday, Ahmad Khazen and Hassan Wattfa, were members of the group.

'Naisse called for a halt to the government's terrorist and illegal practices'
Khazen and Wattfa were detained March 10, two days after the sit-in organised by the committees to demand political and civil reforms on the 41st anniversary of the Baath Party's accession to power.

Naisse was not arrested at that protest, but police picked him up on April 14, two days after he issued a statement accusing authorities of arresting more than 1 000 Kurds in a campaign against the Kurdish minority. In the statement, Naisse called for a halt to the government's "terrorist and illegal practices" against the Kurds.

Naisse is due to stand trial on charges of spreading false information, forming an underground association with links to international human rights groups and other charges related to opposing the Baath Party.

Meanwhile, the lawyers of Maamoun al-Homsi, a lawmaker who was sentenced to five years in prison for trying to illegally change the constitution, has asked a court to let him sue the judges who sentenced him, al-Bunni said.

Al-Homsi was arrested with nine other pro-democracy activists in 2001 in a crackdown on so-called "salon political discussion groups" that met in private homes.

Al-Homsi and another legislator, Riyadh Seif, also sentenced to five years in prison, are Syria's best-known salon dissidents.

After taking office in July 2000, Syrian President Bashar Assad ordered the release of hundreds of political prisoners. But he later clamped down on reformists, showing there are limits to the political activity he will allow.