19
March 2004
2. "Kurds and the constitution", Although they signed it, many Shia leaders feel Iraq's interim constitution gives too much to the Kurds.
3. "European Parliament Knocks Turkey", Turkey has been given thumbs down on its EU future due to failure to meet political criteria to join the Union.
4. "Bolkestein eyes Turkish membership in 2016", Frits Bolkestein, the European Commissioner for the Internal Market, said yesterday (18 March) that he expects Turkey to become an EU member in 2016.
5. "Denktash should not pull out of Cyprus peace talks, Turkey says", Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan has called on Turkish Cypriot leader Rauf Denktash not to boycott next week's four-way talks in Switzerland on a UN reunification plan for Cyprus, the Anatolia news agency reported Friday.
6. "Again, to leave or not to leave?", Everyone was surprised when Denktas furiously stated on TV that he wouldn’t go to Switzerland. If this decision isn’t a tactic to make Turkey’s effectiveness felt, then it should be considered a failure.
1. - AFP - "Syrian Kurdish leaders call for calm, dialogue after deadly clashes":
DAMASCUS / by Selim Yassin / March 18, 2004
Groups representing Syria's Kurdish minority called for calm Thursday
after nearly a week of clashes with security forces and Arab tribesmen
that killed at least 25 people.
They also sought talks with President Bashar al-Assad to resolve their
problems.
"We have called on our people to end demonstrations so as to
contribute to a return to calm ... despite continued repression by
the authorities and acts
of provocation by armed groups linked to the (ruling) Baath party,"
said a joint statement by 11 banned Kurdish groups obtained by AFP.
The groups demanded that those arrested be released, that local militias
be disarmed, an end to the sieges of Kurdish villages and neighborhoods
in other areas, and the restoration of cut off water supplies.
They also demanded that those responsible for the violence be punished.
The groups further rejected the government's "repressive attitude"
and said "respect for public liberties and freedom of speech,
an end to the state of
emergency and dialogue could lead to solving the problems facing the
Syrian fatherland."
They called on Assad to allow the Kurds to "put their grievances
before him in all the truth ... and assure him that they only want
to live in peace with
their Arab brothers in the bosom of the Syrian homeland."
The Kurds also called on Syrian human rights associations to press
for the release of those arrested and to help resolve the problem
of Kurds deprived of identity papers in 1962 and of their descendants,
now estimated to total around 200,000.
The Kurdish statement came as Interior Minister Ali Hammud said security
forces had restored order in the area, which borders on Turkey and
Iraq, after 19 people were killed in Hassake and six in Aleppo.
In a press conference here, Hammud accused "conspirators"
of having sabotaged public facilities, especially schools, grain silos,
police stations
and electricity and telephone services.
"These acts of sabotage led to the death of 25 citizens, including
police," he said.
He added that the "authorities had been compelled to use force
and carry out the arrest of a certain number of agitators."
While insisting that the Kurds are a "beloved component"
of our country, Hammud warned that the perpetrators of the violence
would "pay the price."
Syrian authorities have hinted that the troubles were due to outside
forces, at a time when the country faces sanctions from the United
States,
which has troops on Syria's border with Iraq.
But Hammud said "there is no problem that requires foreign intervention,
by the United States or by anyone else."
Hammud's was the first official count on the violence, which began
when Kurds rioted during a football match on Friday and violence spread
across the region.
Abdel Hamid Darwish, secretary general of the Kurdish Democratic Progressive
Party, had earlier put the death toll at 40, including 33 Kurds
and seven Arabs.
The trouble broke out in Qamishli, 600 kilometres (375 miles) northeast
of Damascus on the Turkish border, when Arab tribesmen taunted Kurds
with slogans against Iraqi Kurdish leaders and brandished portraits
of former Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein.
The roughly 1.5 million Kurds in Syria make up about nine percent
of the population, and live mostly in the north.
The deadly clashes this week have been a chilling sign that ethnic
tensions may be bubbling over from the Iraqi border, Arab diplomats
here said Thursday.
Syrian forces appeared Thursday to have regained a semblance of calm
in northern areas.
But Abdel Baki Yussef from the radical Yakiti party, which has close
ties to Iraq's Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), said more than 1,000
Kurds had
been arrested since Friday in the Damascus suburb of Dummar, and around
Qameshli and Aleppo.
2. - Al-Ahram Weekly (Egypt) - "Kurds and the constitution":
Although they signed it, many Shia leaders feel Iraq's interim constitution gives too much to the Kurds
by Ramsey Al-Rikabi in Baghdad / 18 March 2004
The ink was hardly dry on the new Iraqi interim constitution before the criticism started. The constitution -- also known as the transitional administrative law, or basic law -- was finally signed after extensive, and at times bitter, negotiations. But, it seems there is more wrangling to be done. Iraq's Shia are still not satisfied. Their reservations over the document are a mix of the patriotic, political, pragmatic and religious. No one doubts, however, that parts of the basic law protecting Iraq's Kurdish minority are the most contentious, especially for the Shia.
The discontent among the Shia, who claim to make up 60 per cent of Iraq's population, raises the question of how minority rights are to be approached and respected in post-Saddam Iraq. Shia concerns revolve mainly around two clauses in the interim constitution, which will take effect 30 June. The first, relating to the to- be-drafted permanent constitution due by October 2005, states that if a two-thirds majority of any three provinces reject it, the draft permanent constitution will fail, the elected national assembly will be dissolved and new elections must be held. Many Shia feel this clause gives undue veto power to the Kurds, although, logically, any group could scupper a permanent constitution.
The other clause, about amending the basic law, prohibits any change without the support of three-fourths of the elected national assembly, as well as consent from the interim president and his two deputies. Many Iraqis take exception to this rule as it was drafted by an unelected body and will effectively dictate the powers of the future elected government. Many Shia leaders say their main priorities after the handover of sovereignty this summer will be to change these two clauses.
Shia leaders have tended to cast their reservations in the most generous, and general, light. They are not worried specifically about the Kurds, they insist. Instead, they point out that the veto provisions could potentially throw the political process into an almost endless cycle of elections and redrafting. Additionally, the Shia have been noticeably louder in their condemnation of the constitution as a document drafted by unelected officials that will be binding on an elected national assembly. Grand Ayatollah Ali Al-Sistani, Iraq's most influential Shia cleric, called the basic law an "obstacle" to drafting Iraq's permanent constitution.
The conventional wisdom around Iraq is that the two-thirds majority veto clause was intentionally added to protect the Kurdish minority. The Kurds make up a significant majority in three northern provinces, and would be able to muster the votes to force down any permanent constitution they disagreed with. The Kurds want to keep the autonomy they have held for over a decade, since the American-British northern no-fly zone that effectively granted them administration protected their independence from Baghdad. Additionally, the Kurds' take on Islam is moderate compared with their Shia compatriots. Any draft permanent constitution that either erodes control over their areas of self- rule or imposes strict Islamic principles would more than likely be rejected by the Kurds. Besides putting the oil-rich area of Kirkuk under Kurdish authority, which is less than likely, the Kurds will most probably use their veto power to block any encroaching constitution, rather than using it to extract significant concessions from either the Shia or Sunnis.
But who can veto what and when is not the only contentious part of the interim constitution. The role of Islam had been a sticking point from the beginning, and its influence in law-making was significantly fudged. Some Shia leaders had pushed for the implementation of Shari'a law as the sole source of legislation. In the end, while recognising the Islamic identity of Iraq, the transitional law makes Islam a source, not the source, of law. But it goes on to add that no law can be passed that contravenes the basic tenets of Islam, or the democratic principles and individual liberties also enshrined in the document. How that will pan out when it is time to draft laws will be anyone's guess.
Some Shia still want a larger role for Islam. Last Friday, over 2,000 people protested in Baghdad against the new constitution, calling for the immediate implementation of Shari'a law. Many Shia clerics as well used their Friday sermons to denounce the basic law. Moqtada Al-Sadr, a firebrand Shia cleric influential in Baghdad's poorer neighbourhoods, likened the basic law to the Balfour Declaration, the 1917 commitment from Britain to support the establishment of a Jewish homeland in Palestine. "We are selling Iraq and Islam," Sadr told Friday worshipers. Other clerics dismissed the transitional law as being the sole work of the Americans, forced onto Iraq.
The dispute over the constitution again highlights the struggle between Iraq's Shia, Sunnis and Kurds for political significance and power in the new Iraq. But for all the talk of possible sectarian strife, it seems to be just that -- talk. The Americans are sure someone is trying to set off a civil war in Iraq. But in spite of the horrific acts of violence targeting Iraqi civilians in the hope of throwing the country into chaos, the sense of hostility between Iraq's various groups is barely perceptible. There might be a lot of suspicion, and talk of ethnic strife, but the possibility of an all-out civil war seems remote.
With the ousting of Hussein, the Shia are eager to claim the political
power they believe their majority deserves and was denied for so long
under Saddam's Sunni-dominated government. But with the Americans
overseeing the political restructuring of the country, the emphasis
has been on consensus and power sharing, which the Shia are more than
willing to play along with. The disputes over the constitution, however,
reveal a troubling question just below the surface: are the Shia hoping
to replace an iron-fisted minority with the tyranny of the majority?
If anything, the veto clause of the basic law has slightly checked
Shia aspirations to get what they want, when they want it. Whether
it turns out in the long run to be a lesson for the Shia about compromise
or merely a slight hurdle on the way to Shia political dominance remains
to be seen.
3. - Novinite (Bulgaria) - "European Parliament Knocks Turkey":
18 March 2004
Turkey has been given thumbs down on its EU future due to failure to meet political criteria to join the Union.
The European Parliament's Foreign Affairs Committee voted overwhelmingly Wednesday on a declaration that Turkey is unfit to start membership negotiations. The EP body cited a raft of areas where Ankara has not implemented the necessary reforms - from curbing the influence of the army to increasing Kurdish rights.
Although members praised the work of Turkey's ruling AK (Justice and Development) Party for their work in trying to meet the membership criteria, they said that such reforms could only be judged on the basis of how they are implemented, EUobserver informed.
The Dutch MEP Arie Oostlander, the rapporteur on Turkey, advocates a start to negotiations but with the political criteria being the first chapter in the talks.
Turkey expects October the report with EU Commission's assessment on the country's readiness to start accession negotiations.
The Foreign Affairs Committee's opinion is not binding but is a significant
gauge of opinion in the Parliament as a whole, where many in the biggest
party, the conservative-EPP are reluctant to embrace Turkey as a member.
4. - EUobserver - "Bolkestein eyes Turkish membership in 2016":
19 March 2004
Frits Bolkestein, the European Commissioner for the Internal Market,
said yesterday (18 March) that he expects Turkey to become an EU member
in 2016.
Speaking in the Dutch parliament, Bolkestein stated that "if
he were allowed to fantasise a little bit", accession negotiations
with Ankara could be started as early as 2006. The Turks could then
enter the EU around ten years later.
This would rule out starting negotiations next year, as Turkey expects.
Bolkestein stressed that a rejection of Turkish membership at this
stage would be unjust. The Commissioner said, "You cannot tell
a country which has applied for membership 40 years ago, 'sorry, we're
closed'. That would be an unseemly policy".
Turkey has had an association treaty with the EU since 1963. The treaty
was meant to "facilitate the accession of Turkey to the [European]
Community at a later date".
But Mr Bolkestein appears to have changed his views on the subject.
In his recently published book "The limits of Europe", the
Dutch Commissioner still suggested that Turkey should stay out of
the EU by writing that Turkey should act as a "buffer" protecting
Europe from Syria, Iran and Iraq.
Second term?
Mr Bolkestein also indicated yesterday that he will probably decide
before next June whether or not to apply for a second term as a Commissioner.
The 70-year old Commissioner is still in doubt. In October last year,
he said that he was "absolutely available", but recently
he has indicated he might want to spend his time writing more books.
If Mr Bolkestein decides to apply for a second term, the centre-right
Dutch cabinet is expected to support him.
5.
- AFP - "Denktash should not pull out of Cyprus peace talks,
Turkey says":
ANKARA / March 19, 2004
Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan has called on Turkish
Cypriot leader Rauf Denktash not to boycott next week's four-way talks
in Switzerland on a UN reunification plan for Cyprus, the Anatolia
news agency reported Friday.
"We cannot and should never say 'we are withdrawing'" from
the UN-led negotiations to end the island's 30-year division, Erdogan
said.
Denktash said Wednesday he would boycott the next round of talks because
of the "intransigence" of the rival Greek Cypriots.
"At this point I do not interpret Denktash's remarks as withdrawal
from the negotiations, I do not want to interpret them that way,"
Erdogan said.
The talks in Switzerland -- expected to start on March 23 in the resort
of Burgenstock, near Lucerne -- represent the second phase of a last-ditch
UN bid to reunify the island before it joins the European Union on
May 1.
Following a lack of progress in negotiations between Denktash and
his Greek Cypriot opposite number Tassos Papadoupolos in Cyprus, Turkey
and Greece will try to push the process forward next week.
Turkish Cypriots will be represented by the prime minister of their
breakaway state, Mehmet Ali Talat, and his deputy Serdar Denktash,
the son of
Rauf Denktash.
If the Swiss negotiations fail, UN chief Kofi Annan will act as an
arbiter and finalize a settlement text, to be put to referendums on
both sides of
Cyprus on April 20.
Cyprus has been divided since 1974 when Turkey seized its northern
part in response to an Athens-engineered Greek Cypriot coup aimed
at uniting the
island with Greece.
6. - Milliyet - "Again, to leave or not to leave?":
BY SAMI KOHEN / 19 March 2004
Will Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) President Rauf Denktas change his mind not to attend next week’s four-way summit in Switzerland? Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan and his Greek counterpart Kostas Karamanlis’s decision to attend the summit created the hope that the Cypriot Turkish leader would relent. Everyone was surprised when Denktas furiously stated on TV that he wouldn’t go to Switzerland. If this decision isn’t a tactic to make Turkey’s effectiveness felt, then it should be considered a failure.
There are some contradictions in this decision: Denktas said that
he won’t attend the negotiations in Switzerland, but also stated
he wouldn’t withdraw from his position as negotiator. Why doesn’t
Denktas withdraw if he’s lost hope for a solution? While Denktas
reiterated that he is in harmony with the Turkish Foreign Ministry,
he declared his decision on TV.
Erdogan, Foreign Minister Abdullah Gul in Ankara, and TRNC Prime Minister
Talat learned of Denktas’s decision from the TV news! Stating
that there’s been no positive sign from the other side on the
Turkish sine qua nons, Denktas says that ‘nothing would happen’
if these are rejected. But the
negotiations are still continuing. Is it right not to attend the second
phase when it continues (or wouldn’t it bring a negative result)?
By the way, the TRNC leader’s reasons shouldn’t be disregarded,
as he has some justifiable points. The Greek side overconfidently
rejects Turkish
offers and is aware of its opportunities. The European Union is playing
both sides, especially on ‘derogation.’ The UN, on the other
hand, already
believes that UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan will have the last word
in line with his plan… If the UN and EU are really sincere about
reaching an
agreement by May 1, then they should change their attitudes and take
the Turkish side’s worries and offers more seriously. Denktas’s
move should also be seen as a warning. They should also understand
that Ankara and Talat’s government will also lose their hope
in this process if there aren’t developments that would also
satisfy them.
Now Denktas’s attitude and Ankara’s policy are different.
Denktas stated earlier that the Turkish side shouldn’t be split.
A one-sided decision wouldn’t help to prevent diverse attitudes…”