27 April 2004

1. "'New' Turkey, Same Old Injustice", the retrial of four Kurdish dissidents proves that recent reforms have not yet overcome repression.

2. "German recognition of KONGRA-GEL as terrorist group sparks protest", Police intervened and arrested two protestors when a group refused to disperse after laying a black wreath in front of the German Consulate in Izmir in protest of Germany having recognized the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK/KONGRA-GEL) as a terrorist organization.

3. "Turkey regrets rejection of proposal for comprehensive settlement of Cyprus by Greek Cypriot", Turkish Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister, Abdullah Gul on Monday regretted that the UN Secretary General's proposal for a comprehensive settlement submitted to referenda on the two sides of the Island has been rejected by the Greek Cypriot side.

4. "Turkey expects EU to stand by membership talks schedule after Cyprus vote", Turkey said on Monday that it had done its share for a settlement on Cyprus and urged the European Union to open the way for the mainly Muslim country to join the bloc despite the lack of a peace deal on the divided island.

5. "The view from Kurdistan", like other Iraqis, the Kurds are enjoying a Saddam-free spring. But unlike the rest of the country, they have been thriving in post-liberation Iraq. They view the events in Fallujah and Najaf with both a sense of detachment and of caution. Caution because to some extent Kurds feel they are victims of their own success.

6. "Three Kurds tortured to death, arrests continue in Syria", a Kurdish leader on Monday charged three Kurdish detainees had been tortured to death in Syria and that police were continuing to arrest Kurds living in the north of the country.

1. - Los Angeles Times - "'New' Turkey, Same Old Injustice":

The retrial of four Kurdish dissidents proves that recent reforms have not yet overcome repression.

27 April 2004 / by Christiane Bird*

Human rights reform in Turkey suffered a serious and disgraceful setback last week when the state security courts again delivered a guilty verdict against Kurdish political dissident Leyla Zana and three other Kurds, all of whom were once members of the Turkish parliament.

Winner of the Sakharov human rights prize in 1995, Zana, along with her colleagues, has been imprisoned since 1994 for nonviolent expressions of opinion against the Turkish state. Their retrial was widely seen as a litmus test of Turkey's resolve to reform its horrific human rights record. It was a test that Turkey failed miserably.

The European Court of Human Rights ruled in 2001 that the original trial of Zana and her co-defendants was unfair; the four were accused of having links with the then-separatist Kurdistan Workers' Party. But in a country that had been torn apart by a violent Kurdish-Turkish civil war from 1984 to 1999, a retrial was unthinkable until last year, after Turkey's newly elected government courageously passed a series of democratization packages.

Turkey is hoping to begin talks in December to join the European Union, and the reform packages, if enforced, have the potential to bring true democracy to a republic that has historically been dominated by the military — and to bring Turkey in line with EU standards. The Zana retrial, however, should give the EU pause.

>From the beginning, the retrial was a mockery of justice. Denounced by human rights groups, it dragged out for over a year. The three-judge panel openly favored the prosecution and rejected many demands of the defense, including the right to thoroughly cross-examine witnesses. Zana and her colleagues — referred to as "convicts" by the court from day one — were denied bail and protested the proceedings by boycotting many of their own hearings. Welcome to the new trial, same as the old trial.

The Kurds of Turkey have suffered extraordinary repression at the hands of the state since shortly after the founding of the Republic of Turkey in 1923. The right to teach the Kurdish language or to speak it in public places, hold Kurdish cultural events, organize Kurdish political parties — all have been largely denied as Turkey tried to force the assimilation of its largest minority group. As recently as 1991, the Kurds could not even call themselves Kurds without risking arrest and torture; they were said to be "mountain Turks who have forgotten their language." And in the wake of the civil war, tens of thousands of Kurds have been incarcerated and tortured, and hundreds of thousands burned out of their villages by the Turkish military.

The 2002-03 democratization packages took important steps toward righting some of these long-standing wrongs. In addition to allowing retrials, the reforms granted limited Kurdish broadcast rights, the right to teach the Kurdish language and greater freedom of the press. Even more important, the reforms curbed the power of the Turkish military and promised to punish authorities found guilty of torture — a widespread problem in Turkey's police and prison systems.

But the reforms will do little good if they are not enforced. Daily reports coming out of Turkey tell of continuing unlawful arrests, systematic torture by the police, impunity for those who inflict such torture, and the repression of freedom of expression. Kurdish language classes have begun in only a few cities; the new broadcast rights are far from widespread; some proper Kurdish names have been newly banned; and now, Leyla Zana and her colleagues have been re-convicted and their 15-year sentences reaffirmed. Attempts have also been made to ban the main pro-Kurdish party and to permanently shut down the Turkish Human Rights Foundation.

All parties stand to gain if Turkey can meet the standard of the European Union. The Turks would gain a more full-fledged democracy, Europe would gain a rich cultural and economic partner and Turkey's 14 million Kurds would finally gain more equal rights, which would in turn lead to greater stability in the entire region. And the membership of a Muslim state in the predominantly Christian EU could also help mute the seemingly inevitable clash of East-West civilizations.

But France declared its opposition to Turkey's membership in the EU even before the second Zana verdict, and many observers believe that Turkey's acceptance is far from a done deal. The Turkish government urgently needs to follow through, press its new laws into practice and reverse its deplorable human rights record. It should begin — again — by overturning last week's outrageous verdict through the appeal that Zana and her colleagues intend to file.

* Christiane Bird is the author of "A Thousand Sighs, a Thousand Revolts: Journeys in Kurdistan," to be published by Ballantine Books next month.

2. - Turkish Daily News - "German recognition of KONGRA-GEL as terrorist group sparks protest":

ANKARA / 27 April 2004

Police intervened and arrested two protestors when a group refused to disperse after laying a black wreath in front of the German Consulate in Izmir in protest of Germany having recognized the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK/KONGRA-GEL) as a terrorist organization.

The group gathered in front of the Democracy Party (DEHAP) building in Izmir's Konak district. DEHAP Izmir Director Huseyin Dag gave a press briefing before the group started walking towards the German Consulate.

The protesters presented a document to German officials that was refused before chanting slogans in favor of PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan.

When the group refused to disperse after repeated warnings, police intervened and arrested two people.

3. - Hi Pakistan - "Turkey regrets rejection of proposal for comprehensive settlement of Cyprus by Greek Cypriot":

ISLAMABAD / 27 April 2004

Turkish Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister, Abdullah Gul on Monday regretted that the UN Secretary General's proposal for a comprehensive settlement submitted to referenda on the two sides of the Island has been rejected by the Greek Cypriot side.

In his statement , he said the rejection by the Greek Cypriot side of the most comprehensive and serious settlement plan to date regarding the Cyprus issue, which was brought about by the efforts of the UN Secretary General and the initiative taken by Turkey recently, has led to the loss of an important opportunity.

This development has also clearly revealed the real source of opposition to a solution in Cyprus, he added.

He said the Turkish side has always been in favour of a just and lasting solution in Cyprus.

However, the results of the referenda demonstrated that the Greek Cypriot side was not ready for a new partnership and co-existence and reconciliation with the Turkish Cypriots.

Abdullah Gul said at the same time, the Greek Cypriot policy of blaming the Turkish side and Turkey with intransigence through distortion of facts, has also gone bankrupt.

The UN Secretary General's proposal for a comprehensive settlement was aimed at reaching a balanced compromise in Cyprus before May 1 2004, and the full membership of the Island would be co-determined by the Turkish and Greek Cypriots, had foreseen the establishment of a new bi-zonal partnership formed by the two equal constituent states.

The UN Secretary General's proposal stipulated that in case one of the sides voted "no", the Plan would be null and void. Unfortunately, this is what we face today.

These referenda, which were held for the first time in the Island following the UN negotiation process of almost 30 years, have created a new situation in Cyprus.

He said the international community has to analyse and assess this situation accurately.

"We believe that the two peoples on the Island should draw necessary conclusions from this new situation and live side by side in peace and security."

The results of the referenda have also created a highly paradoxical situation for the EU.

On one hand the EU is admitting to membership the party which has voted against a solution and the unification of the Island, while on the other leaving out in the open the party wishing to find a solution and unite the Island.

Under the circumstances, we expect the Greek Cypriot political leadership and international community to remove the unjust embargoes and restrictions, imposed on the Turkish Cypriot people, he said.

Through this referendum, the Turkish Cypriot people have demonstrated their desire to integrate with the World.

No one has the right to further isolate the Turkish Cypriot people in the international arena.

"We expect the international community to respond favourably to this call of the Turkish Cypriots."

It is now high time for the international community to assume its obligations towards the Turkish Cypriot people, who live in a pluralistic democratic structure respecting human rights.

As a country contributing to enhancing security and stability in her region and in the World, Turkey has set for itself, as a strategic objective, full membership to the EU.

In the same vein, Turkey will continue to spend efforts to further develop its relations with Greece. We hope that Greece will duly assess this new situation that emerged in the Island and adopt a consistent and constructive attitude.

The Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus and the Turkish Cypriot people will continue to find motherland Turkey at their side. We are confident that the Turkish Cypriot people will maintain their unity and harmony.

Turkey will fulfil its obligations with regard to the prosperity and well-being of the Turkish Cypriot people. Nobody should doubt this.

Although it has not been possible to achieve a positive result, today, we wish to extend our gratitude to the United Nations team, first and foremost to the UN Secretary-General, who have deployed great efforts, during the past four years, in order to reach a successful outcome in this exercise, as well as to the countries concerned, for their contributions."

4. - AFP - "Turkey expects EU to stand by membership talks schedule after Cyprus vote":

ANKARA / 26 April 2004

Turkey said on Monday that it had done its share for a settlement on Cyprus and urged the European Union to open the way for the mainly Muslim country to join the bloc despite the lack of a peace deal on the divided island.

"No one should underestimate the (Cyprus referendums) result. Both the Turkish Cypriots and Turkey have done all that they can," Turkish government spokesman and Justice Minister Cemil Cicek told reporters after a cabinet meeting.

"Whoever has made promises or public statements before the referendums must now stand by their word," he added in response to a question on how the new situation in Cyprus would affect Ankara's drive to become an EU member.

Turkey had thrown its weight behind a UN peace plan to reunite the island after it was told the European Union that it must help broker a settlement on Cyprus in order to advance its own drive to become a Union member.

But the UN initiative failed when the internationally-recognized Greek Cypriot south of the island voted down the plan.

The Turkish Cypriots in the north of the island, who maintain a breakaway state under international embargoes, gave overwhelming support to the settlement scheme.

Without reunification, only the Greek Cypriots will join the European Union on May 1 and the Turkish Cypriots will be left out.

Cicek said the international community must now put an end to the isolation of the Turkish Cypriot community after it showed a clear desire for peace.

"At this stage, we demand first of all that the Greek Cypriot leadership and the international community stop imposing unjust embargoes and restrictions on the Turkish Cypriot people," he said.

Ankara also expects the international community to acknowledge that the Greek Cypriots do not represent the Turkish Cypriots, he added.

"We hope the international community will not allow the Greek Cypriot side to abuse the Cyprus problem and its EU membership," Cicek said.

Turkey, a formal EU candidate since December 1999, is the only country that has failed to open membership talks with the island.

EU leaders are set to decide in December this year whether Ankara has made enough progress in improving its democracy and poor human rights record to begin accession negotiations.

5. - The Washington Times - "The view from Kurdistan":

27 April 2004 / by Hiwa Osman*

For the people of Kurdistan, this weekend was spoiled. Not because Muqtada al-Sadr ranted on in Friday prayers about sending suicide bombers, nor because the tentative cease-fire in Fallujah. But because it rained. And rain ruins the religiously followed Kurdish tradition of picnic day, when the cities empty as people take to green mountains to grill meat, drink beer and dance the day away.

Like other Iraqis, the Kurds are enjoying a Saddam-free spring. But unlike the rest of the country, they have been thriving in post-liberation Iraq. They view the events in Fallujah and Najaf with both a sense of detachment and of caution.

Caution because to some extent Kurds feel they are victims of their own success.

Within the green line, the area about the size of New England that has been under Kurdish control since 1991, there is low unemployment (workers are imported from other parts of Iraq and even from Iran), a building boom, minimal interference from neighboring countries and a tolerant open-mindedness not seen in the rest of the country.

The word "occupation" is never uttered in Kurdistan. On the contrary, the Kurds say that the U.S. Army is the first army in history to enter Kurdistan not as an invading force.

The main reason for this pro-American attitude is that the Kurds themselves have been -- and still are -- running their own affairs, albeit with a recent infusion of U.S. money. They have well-established ministries that provide education, health care, water and garbage pick-up. They have a police force that actually protects the people and solid intelligence that almost without fail keeps the jihadis and former Ba'athists at bay.

When things go wrong -- and at times they do -- fingers are not pointed at the Americans. It is the Kurdish administrations that have to answer to the people, and at times they do.

To spread this attitude to the rest of the country while keeping the momentum in Kurdistan, the United States needs to recognize Kurdish exceptionality: The Kurds are situated differently, but not so different that they cannot serve as a model for the rest of the country. They are taking responsibility upon themselves to make the most of the postwar situation.

This recognition should not be limited to words. It must be translated into practice to encourage the Kurds and motivate the rest of the country to do the same.

Economically, the Coalition Provisional Authority should foster investment in this Western-friendly and secure area. Encouraging foreign venture capital in the north and its resulting material comfort for citizens will send a strong message to the rest of Iraq that prosperity comes only with security.
While minimal U.S. political presence in Kurdistan is proving beneficial, the Kurds fear they may be neglected and held back while the rest of the country catches up to them.

The political issues of most concern to the Kurds are, first, a return of Kurdish lands ethnically cleansed and a restoration of the property claims of those hundreds of thousands of Kurds, Turkoman and Christians displaced by the Ba'ath regime.

While the three governorates inside the green line have been under Kurdish control since 1991, they contain only two-thirds of the Kurdish-inhabited areas of the country. The other third borders the three governorates and includes ethnically diverse Kirkuk. This entire area remains outside of present-day Kurdistan.

The gerrymandering of the governorate boundaries over several decades and the subsequent ethnic-cleansing of the area by the former regime should not be allowed to stand.

Since liberation, the Kurds had assumed these lands would be returned to Kurdistan. So far those desires have been delayed by the Transitional Administrative Law (TAL) signed in March, which provides a rather vaguely worded roadmap for a future normalization process.

The TAL states that these lands would remain outside Kurdish control for now, but can be decided upon after a census and the transitional period, and taking into account "the will of the people of those territories."

The United States needs to clearly communicate its commitment to the TAL normalization process to assure the Kurds it will be observed despite the uncertainty of events in the rest of the country.

To hold back on normalization of these areas for fear of an Arab backlash is to legitimize Saddam's Arabization campaign.

A second political issue is elections. There is no reason why Kurds should wait for the rest of the country to hold elections in their safe and secure region. The last regional elections were in 1992, which the Kurds organized themselves with no outside prompting. But this parliament and government needs to be updated by popular vote to institute a popular and representative government.

Elections in Kurdistan would also force the two Kurdish administrations to unite; a process all Kurds think is long overdue.

The snail's pace of political change on these two issues close to Kurdish hearts, coupled with the shaky security in the center and south, increases Kurdish fears for the future. This could subsequently diminish their trust in and their support of the United States.

Some may argue that recognition of the Kurdish exceptionality by the United States constitutes "preferential treatment of the Kurds" and will divide Iraq. It won't.

The Kurds themselves reject independence and are busy welcoming Arab workers, students and tourists who come from the center and south of Iraq in search of jobs, education and mountain recreation.

Kurds want a unified Iraq. But an Iraq that is at least as economically healthy and as secure as their region.

* Hiwa Osman is a Baghdad-based journalist.

6. - AFP - "Three Kurds tortured to death, arrests continue in Syria":

DAMASCUS / 26 April 2004

A Kurdish leader on Monday charged three Kurdish detainees had been tortured to death in Syria and that police were continuing to arrest Kurds living in the north of the country.

"The arrests of Kurds is continuing ... Three Kurds died from torture," Abdel Baqi Yussef, leader of the banned banned Kurdish party Yakiti, said nearly six weeks after an outbreak of violence left at least 25 people dead.

But a call from 11 Kurdish political movements for a strike Sunday to protest the continuing arrests, was ignored in northeastern Syria when the security services intervened.

The appeal was "not heeded because the secret services and the chamber of commerce threatened shopkeepers with the heaviest of sanctions and used force to make them open their businesses," Yussef told AFP.

A Kurdish leader told AFP on Saturday that around 600 Kurds had been moved from towns and villages in the northeast of the country where they were arrested to prisons in Adra and Saidnaya, north of the capital.

Between March 12 and 17, Kurds and Syrian security forces and Arab tribes clashed in northern Syria. Kurdish sources said 40 people were killed, while Syrian officials put the death toll at 25.

The trouble broke out in Qamishli, 600 kilometres (375 miles) north of Damascus, when Arab tribesmen taunted Kurds with slogans against Iraqi Kurdish leaders and brandished portraits of deposed Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein.

Syrian officials accused foreign infiltrators of being behind the unrest, but Kurdish leaders have cited growing resentment, including discrimination against Kurds in universities and the military.

Syria's Kurds, estimated to total 1.5 million, represent around nine percent of the country's population and live mainly in the north.