15
November 2002
2. "The limits of enforced secular rule in the Muslim world", the electoral victory in Turkey of a party with Islamic roots demonstrates the limitations of trying to enforce secularism in Muslim countries as an anti-religious ideology rather than a political system ensuring separation of church and state.
3. "Turkey's new leader promises human rights reforms", Recep Tayyip Erdogan, leader of the party that won a landslide victory in Turkey's general election, yesterday promised sweeping human rights reforms, including zero tolerance for torture, to enable Turkey to start membership talks with the European Union.
4. "Gul: We want to shock the EU", Abdullah Gul, Mr. Erdogan's deputy, says the AK Party will shock the Europeans by taking the steps that nobody expects from the party for EU membership
5. "EU values and Cyprus", the “solution or partition” dilemma that Prime Minister Costas Simitis is expected to pose to his Socialist deputies and members of his Central Committee regarding the UN peace plan is, to a large extent, a reflection of reality in the sense that a renewed impasse in the Cyprus issue would further consolidate the present state of affairs.
6. "Solve it if it can be solved", a rather enlightening commentary by a Turkish columnist from Northern Cyprus
1. - The Daily Star - "Turkey’s identity, Europe’s problem?":
BEIRUT / 15 November 2002
It is said that Turkey is an Eastern country if you come from the
West and a Western country if you come from the East. This duality
is not only due to Turkey’s unique geographic location that literally
straddles Asia and Europe. It is also a product of the unique history
of a people who migrated West from the Central Asian steppes 1,000
years ago, adopting Islam on the way and conquering the eastern Roman
Empire and the lands between Istanbul and Vienna before retreating
to Asia Minor and the southeastern corner of Europe.
Their interaction with the West began with bloody and seemingly inevitable
conflict with the Europeans and gradually gave way to a complex relationship
as the Turks voluntarily committed themselves to Westernization under
Kemal Ataturk and the new Turkey he created from the ashes of the
Ottoman Empire.
As Turkey’s 80th birthday approaches, Turks are being forced
to examine the success of their great experiment, which sought to
synthesize their Eastern and Islamic origins with a Western orientation.
Despite Ataturk’s irreversible reforms, such as the secular state
and, at a more symbolic level, the change from the Arabic script to
the Latin, there is a growing perception in Turkey that the country
has not been truly accepted by the Western community of nations.
The question of Turkey’s alignment appeared to have been finally
settled in 1952 when the country joined the Western collective defense
system, NATO. However, Turkey’s entry was only made possible
by US strategic imperatives in the Cold War confrontation with the
Soviet threat which overcame the objections of West European countries
that had kept Turkey out of the alliance for three years. With the
disappearance of the Soviet Union, the glue binding Turkey to the
West was weakened, bringing to the fore the age-old question of Turkey’s
identity.
The Turkish response to its uncertain role in the post-Cold War world
was to seek yet another reaffirmation of its membership in the Western
club of nations through membership in the EU. As the EU gradually
expanded to include Turkey’s neighbor and former bitter enemy,
Greece, the Turks reinvigorated their efforts and managed to obtain
a customs union agreement in 1995. However, as the EU prepares to
expand again, it is starting to look likely that despite renewed lobbying
by the US, Turkey will be left in the cold at the EU summit in Copenhagen
in December with only vague promises of membership in the distant
future.
The effective end of the EU dream will have a profound impact on this
country of 70 million on the edge of Europe. The Turks, who have been
living through an unprecedented economic crisis that has reduced per
capita income to near $2,000, have been looking to EU membership for
ultimate relief. The country has managed to avoid default on its debt
only through massive IMF loans. However, with Washington expecting
Ankara’s backing in its seemingly inevitable conflict with Turkey’s
southern neighbor Iraq, the country faces additional economic disruption.
While European reluctance to share Turkey’s economic load through
integration needs to be understood by the Turks, the Europeans have
to comprehend the dangers of instability beyond their prosperous walls.
On Nov. 3, Turkish voters chose a new government in parliamentary
elections.The appeal of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), established
last year by Recep Tayyip Erdogan and other former members of a banned
Islamist party, underlines the massive discontent with the corruption
and economic mismanagement of successive Turkish governments. While
the AKP has downplayed its Islamic tendencies in its efforts to project
a moderate image, the guardians of the Turkish secular system headed
by the powerful military establishment remain wary.
The decision last month of the electoral council to prevent Erdogan
from running in the elections and thus becoming Prime Minister in
an AKP government, is a harbinger of problems.
The military, which has intervened through numerous coups in Turkish
politics and exercises influence through monthly meetings of the National
Security Council, also has a dilemma.
They are concerned about the completion of the process of Westernization
initiated by Ataturk in a country excluded from European integration
and led by forces they perceive to be less than fully committed to
Kemalist goals. However, while it will never abandon its role as ultimate
protector of Turkish security, stability and, above all, secularism,
the military also surely recognizes that overt interference in Turkish
politics can only take Turkey further away from the goal of becoming
a truly Western country.
On April 8, 2000, former German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt said: “Turkey
has no future in Europe; 70 million Turks could not be allowed to
wander around Europe and Europe does not want Iran and Syria as neighbors.”
If that is indeed the case, then it is imperative to quickly produce
a new framework to maintain Turkey’s ties to the West while giving
Turks a hope of economic salvation as they grapple with their growing
internal problems.
Bulent Aliriza is the director of the Turkey Project Center for
Strategic and International Studies in Washington 
2-
The International Herakd Tribune - "The limits of enforced
secular rule in the Muslim world":
ISTANBUL / NOvember 15, 2002
by Husain Haqqani
The electoral victory in Turkey of a party with Islamic roots demonstrates the limitations of trying to enforce secularism in Muslim countries as an anti-religious ideology rather than a political system ensuring separation of church and state.
Turkey's Justice and Development Party - the AKP - is not an Islamist group because it does not seek to enforce Islamic law. But its leader, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, is a practicing Muslim who was once active in the Islamist movement. Erdogan is banned from running for office at the behest of Turkey's military, which balks at all public manifestations of Islamic religion as anti-secular. The victory of the AKP, despite its leader's disqualification, challenges the view of what a secular democratic Turkey must look like.
Erdogan has tried to reassure the world of his pragmatic credentials in every possible way, from supporting Turkey's membership of the European Union to maintaining ties with Israel. From an international point of view, it is clearly desirable that Muslim Turkey integrate with Europe and serve as a bridge between the Israelis and the Palestinians while retaining its Muslim identity.
Most Turkish voters backed Erdogan's AKP because they were tired of the corrupt and incompetent politicians that survived the Turkish military's many attempts to pull strings. If the Turkish armed forces try to exclude Erdogan and his party from the political process, Turkey will have to forget its dream of joining the EU. Europe will not accept pseudo-secularism at the expense of genuine democracy.
Erdogan is likely to change the irrational aspects of Turkey's anti-religious secularism, bringing it closer to the definition of secularism in the West. For example, a Muslim schoolgirl in the United States, a country that is secular even though it is predominantly Christian, can wear a head scarf to school if she so desires. But a schoolgirl in secular, predominantly Muslim Turkey is legally forbidden from doing so.
In Muslim states from Morocco to Indonesia, westernized elites have denied democratic change, arguing that it would compromise secularism. These fears are based on the history of attempts by religious groups to impose their narrow version of Islam by force. But promoting any set of beliefs by coercion does not last and almost invariably produces a reaction.
Authoritarian Muslim rulers in Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan have tried but failed to build more pious societies by issuing decrees. Erdogan's success amounts to a rejection of the Turkish establishment's tendency to ignore popular sentiment and insist on imposing political and social solutions from the top.
There is no substitute for tolerance. Muslim societies must recognize this fact and political groups such as AKP, with Islamic roots but secular manifestoes, can help that realization provided a democratic structure remains in place and AKP fulfills its promises.
If governments in the Muslim world open themselves to democratic
change, there might be other political movements like AKP, which combine
tolerance with tradition. Otherwise, the Islamic world will remain
embroiled in the power struggle between authoritarian westernizers
and retrogressive Islamists. The writer, a visiting scholar at the
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington, contributed
this comment to the International Herald Tribune.
3. - The Financial Times - "Turkey's new leader promises human rights reforms":
ANKARA / 14 November 2002
by Leyla Boulton
Recep Tayyip Erdogan, leader of the party that won a landslide victory in Turkey's general election, yesterday promised sweeping human rights reforms, including zero tolerance for torture, to enable Turkey to start membership talks with the European Union.
The former Islamist was speaking in Rome after receiving a positive hearing from Silvio Berlusconi, the Italian prime minister, at the start of a tour of EU capitals to press Turkey's case for obtaining a date for talks at the EU's summit in Copenhagen next month.
In spite of the electoral triumph of his Justice and Development party (AKP), Mr Erdogan cannot become prime minister until the new parliament, to be sworn in today, revises a constitutional provision banning him for a previous conviction of inciting hatred on religious grounds.
Yesterday, however, he promised a thorough review of the constitution to comply with European human rights standards. Such reform was the first on a nine-point list he spelled out as part of Turkey's efforts to comply with the EU's political criteria for starting membership negotiations.
Mr Erdogan said Ankara believed it was now entitled to a date to start talks since other candidate countries had not fulfilled the criteria in full when they had started negotiations.
He said Turkey, a Nato ally, would serve as "an example to the entire Muslim world that democracy and Islam can co-exist".
Other items on his list included:
* A promise to implement outstanding rulings by the European Court of Human Rights, identified as a serious problem by the European Commission's regular progress report on Turkey.
* Removing restrictions on freedom of expression and conscience.
* Allowing non-Muslim religious foundations to own real estate. He also pledged the creation of a new parliamentary committee to promote Turkey's harmonisation with European Union standards.
Mr Erdogan visits Athens, Madrid, London and Brussels, next week. Back in Ankara today, Mr Erdogan meets Javier Solana, the EU's foreign policy chief. The two men are likely to focus on the new UN plan to reunite the island of Cyprus, the success of which would also boost Turkey's chances at Copenhagen.
The newly elected Turkish parliament's swearing in ceremony today will be followed by the likely formation of a government by Abdullah Gul, the AKP's popular deputy chairman, who is expected to serve as prime minister until Mr Erdogan can take over.
Ahmet Necdet Sezer, the president, is expected to nominate Mr Gul,
who has a degree in economics and foreign policy experience from his
previous time in parliament, today or tomorrow.
4. - Turkish Daily News - "Gul: We want to shock the EU":
Abdullah Gul says the AK Party will shock the Europeans by taking
the steps that nobody expects from the party for EU membership
ANKARA / 15 November 2002
by Kemal Balci
The strongest candidate for the prime minister's office, Justice and Development Party (AK Party) deputy chairman, Abdullah Gul said that they would shock the European Union by taking the steps that European countries did not expect from his party for the sake of Turkey's EU membership. Gul stated that they would not tolerate incidents of torture when they set up the government, adding that they were planning to solve the headscarf problem not in a victorious manner but in the framework of individual rights. Gul stated that the AK Party government would definitely be a "reform cabinet" and that their first reform would be to reduce the number of ministries to 23. He went on to say that they would prefer to realize the reforms by discussing them with the opposition and nongovernmental organizations, although they knew the power of a single-party government.
Responding to questions from the Turkish Daily News, Gul said that they would realize a "spending reform", thus putting an end to extravagance. He added that their priority goal was to lower the interest of public borrowing. Gul responded to our questions as follows:
TDN: As AK Party entered Parliament with an overwhelming majority, this boosted expectations both at home and abroad. Do you have a serious preparation to display a major bounce that will meet all these expectations?
Gul: Yes, we have such a preparation. We were expecting this outcome. It may be a surprise for some people but it was not a surprise for us because we were carrying out opinion polls continuously before the elections in order to know the field on which we were walking. These polls were not for propaganda. The polls showed that we would get 34.2 percent of the votes. The British Ambassador visited me three days before the elections and I showed him the poll results when he asked me what we were expecting from the elections. When I met him for dinner after the election, he congratulated me and said, "You got what you showed me."
TDN: Is it true that you presented a nine-article document regarding the EU at this dinner?
Gul: This is the situation. We said that we would speed up the EU process. We showed will power on this issue while we were setting up the government. The reason to speed up this process is because there's not much time left to the Copenhagen Summit. We started this study before the elections. Our party leader met the EU members and I went to Brussels three days before the elections and I explained my party's views. We are now face to face with the current developments. What do they mean? we are the first party that openly put forth a political will and we will come to power.
TDN: What does this nine-article document include?
Gul: It's not only a matter of nine-articles. There are other issues as well. It's not adequate to declare only views and will power on this issue. We believe that we should take some concrete steps. Our priority will be to bring our constitution to the point of the European Human Rights Convention and the European Convention. We will also bring European norms.
Our second priority is the Copenhagen criteria, which are medium and long term criteria indicated in Turkey's national program. What's important is not to pass laws from Parliament but to practice them. Unfortunately, Turkey has flaws at this point. There are some flawed laws that recently cleared Parliament. A hidden resistance is at hand. We will overcome these with political will power. We will practice those laws, which went into effect but could not be practiced. There are some other new draft laws that should clear Parliament. We will make no discrimination while passing these laws.
Our aim is to show the world that a country, which has a Muslim population, can also be democrat, transparent, modern and cooperate with the world. We believe that AK Party can achieve this.
TDN: How do you welcome the definitions about your party at this point? What do you think about "Muslim democrat" or "conservative democrat" definitions?
Gul: We do not make these discussions. People want to get to know us better. While we were setting up our party, we made all these philosophical discussions. We described ourselves as a conservative democrat party. We believe that definitions such as Muslim democrat are made in order to enable people to understand us better. We think that including a religious concept in the definition of a party in a country, where 99 percent of the people are Muslim, has some drawbacks. Some Muslims in Turkey practice religion, some less, while some just say that they are Muslims. Thus, if we include a religious terminology in the party definition, we will have made a discrimination among those who voted for us, which is not appropriate.
TDN: Your first statements were directed toward the EU countries. What's your first impression regarding your contacts with the EU representatives? Are the Europeans looking coldly on the AK Party government or are they hopeful about your government?
Gul: We, in fact, want to shock the Europeans a little bit. We want to show that we can fulfill the duties that are not expected from us. It was earlier said that the EU would not set a date for Turkey at the Copenhagen Summit and that Turkey would be left in the waiting room because Turkey did not fulfill its pledges. This hesitant manner was giving opportunity to those circles which did not want to let Turkey in the union. We do not want to give any opportunity to these circles. We do want them to say, "No to Turkey!" That's why we are making great efforts.
However, there's another point in Ak Party's taking these steps because we see our party as the one which most reflects the values of Turkish people. We see ourselves as people among the public. We do not see ourselves as a party of elitists. In this regard, if AK Party can help Turkey enter the EU, the party's public support will be strengthened.
TDN: You want to shock the EU but what date would shock you at the Copenhagen Summit? For instance, if the start of talks is postponed to June or after 2004, would it shock you?
Gul: What's important is to get a definite date from the Union. Of course, that should be a reasonable date. We know that we have some shortcomings. We know that we need time to get prepared. We do not have the standards of the EU members at present. We know this and we admit it because we are still a country whose debt is equal to its national income. We also know that we are yet to fulfill the Maastricht criteria fully. We should fulfill these criteria.
TDN: Isn't it possible to fulfill these criteria in the course of accession talks with the EU?
Gul: Of course it is possible. There are examples for it from other countries. But we are trying to be more realistic. What is more, we have other examples where EU leaders agreed in their summit meetings to approve something that bureaucrats had recommended to be rejected. We will do whatever we have to do to get a date for talks from the EU.
TDN: Do you think former French President Valery Giscard d'Estaign's highly negative remarks reflect a growing possibility that the EU will not to give a date to Turkey?
Gul: My view on this matter is different. Sure, there are those circles that view our membership bid, as well as the EU, from a different perspective. There are those who perceive the EU as an inclusive body and therefore believe that Turkey's entry would contribute to the union and boost its role in the world of politics but on the other hand there is an opposing camp which thinks in a quite narrow sense and perceives the EU as a Christian club. But we know that this second approach is rather weak and we are aware that former French president's remarks reflect an inaudible view within the EU.
TDN: Do you believe that a constitutional amendment that could pave the way for Recep Tayyip Erdogan to become prime minister could be accomplished before the year ends? Do you have any such preparation?
Gul: To be honest, AK Party has not yet reached a clear and certain view on the issue. There is an abnormal situation in Turkey and this should be corrected. But it is equally important that correct methods be used while correcting mistakes. It is for this reason that we keep saying that mere arithmetic majority in Parliament could not solve every problem. Of course we feel confident because we have such a majority. The nation has bestowed upon us such power and we are well aware of it. But it is also an undeniable truth that things may get far better if the government takes steps through close dialogue with the opposition in and outside Parliament and nongovernmental organizations.
TDN: Is Erdogan ready to keep away from Cabinet for at least one year? Is he ready in a psychological term?
Gul: It is not of course easy to accept all this. Party decision, as I said, has not been finalized either.
TDN: I am asking about his mood because Erdogan is the person who will decide on who will be the new prime minister and even the composition of the government.
Gul: He is not going to decide on his own! He will consult with the General Executive Board and Chairmanship Council of the party and then meet the president to name a candidate for prime minister.
TDN: This process has been completed as far as I know. Do you believe that he has a certain candidate in his mind now?
Gul: He has still been consulting with the party. He is expected to visit the president following his return from Rome.
TDN: You have been frequently cited as one of the most likely candidates for prime minister. As a person that knows you well, I believe that you are ready to undertake such a mission. Would you have any resentment if someone else, not you, is named?
Gul: This is a good question but let's keep emotional questions out of this interview.
TDN: Is your party preparing to determine what steps will be taken first after the government is formed?
Gul: Turkey needs reforms. We have to set our house in order on our own. We have to be courageous. We have to set plans for lasting benefits for the long term, not the short term. A single-party government can achieve this more easily. That's why we want fundamental reforms. First reforms will be in the field of state expenditures. Given that our resources are already limited, we have to find ways for a better and more effectively use of them. We have to get rid of corruption, extravagance and ineffective spending. In the next step, we will take measures to revitalize the production sector and trade. Because Turkey has a huge population and unemployment could be prevented only in this way. Of course we are aware that we are not free to do what we want to do; there are a lot of binding agreements signed in the past. Turkey is now a country that has no resource but new debts to repay existing debts. What we deem to be the most important under such circumstances is the decrease in interest rates. And we believe we have so far made a positive contribution in this regard even before coming to power. The reason for the recent decrease in interest rates is AK Party's program. We declared our program to the entire world in detail and then came out as the winner out of polls. Now people are confident that an AK Party government will implement this program and it is in this optimistic atmosphere that interest rates started to decline and they will continue to decline further.
TDN: Recently, we have been coming across torture cases that make their way into newspaper headlines more frequently. What is an AK Party government going to do to stop torture?
Gul: This issue is definitely about the political will. Beginning from the first day the AK Party government officially takes office, we will give no tolerance to torture. We will not tolerate torture in any circumstances.
TDN: What is your policy on the headscarf issue?
Gul: Such a problem should definitely be solved in a civilized country. In a democratic and transparent country, such a problem should be solved. But we do not see a solution to the problem that would mean a victory for us. Such an approach would not help a solution. What a democratic country is supposed to do is to present solutions. What is in discussion here is individual choices and we have to respect individual choices. A country where basic rights and freedoms are not guaranteed cannot be deemed to be ready for entry into the EU anyway.
TDN: What about the structure of the government? How many ministers will be in the Cabinet?
Gul: Our first reform will be government structure. We will reduce the number of ministries from 38 to 23. There will be 17 ministers and six state ministers, two or three of whom are deputy foreign ministers.
TDN: Will the government present a calendar for its pledged reforms? For instance, will you have a list of priorities to be accomplished in 100 or 500 days time?
Gul: To tell the truth, we do not very much like such vain promises. But I would like the people to know that we have done our preparations very well.
TDN: Do you have staff skilled enough for that job?
Gul: We have staff that you still do not know very well. In a short period of time, you will have the chance to get to know them.
TDN: What will you say on Cyprus? What is your initial impression of the U.N. plan on the island?
Gul: I know this sounds a little bit conventional but my position
to the plan is something that can be described as "the glass
is half full, half empty." What is certain is that we want a
solution. We do not accept lack of solution as a solution.
5. - Kathimerini - "EU values and Cyprus":
ATHENS / 15 November 2002
The “solution or partition” dilemma that Prime Minister Costas Simitis is expected to pose to his Socialist deputies and members of his Central Committee regarding the UN peace plan is, to a large extent, a reflection of reality in the sense that a renewed impasse in the Cyprus issue would further consolidate the present state of affairs. On the other hand, accepting the UN proposal as a basis for negotiations entails hopes that justice on the long-divided island will be gradually restored.
The above does not mean that the plan must be embraced in its current form, but that it should be accepted as the basis of persistent and painstaking negotiations intending to approximate it to the provisions of international law and the acquis communautaire. This is perhaps the most crucial point, especially considering the plan’s serious divergence from the shared values of the EU and the obstacles that it raises to Cyprus’s accession to a common European security and defense policy.
Indeed, it should not be forgotten that it was Cyprus’s European course that catapulted the island’s political dispute onto center stage. Even though UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan’s plan contains blatant injustices for Greek Cypriots and deviations from the basic tenets of international law — not to mention the UN’s very own resolutions on Cyprus — it still paves the entire island’s way to EU membership. This does not only entail the prospect of a political union but also of free movement, settlement and exchange between people.
The importance of these parameters underscores the direction in which the Greeks and Greek Cypriots must push during the talks. The plan must be modified so as to bring it come closer to the acquis communautaire and to guarantee that the resolution of any differences between the two communities will be in accordance with European values and regulations. It is important to curtail the rigid restrictions on free movement and to ensure that the three foreign judges charged with solving crucial deadlocks will be of European nationality.
Should Cyprus’s European course be consolidated, the momentum
will gradually lead to a new state of affairs in the interest of both
communities. This is where Athens and Nicosia must focus their attention,
while securing EU backing. Similar to its pledge that it won’t
make discounts on the acquis communautaire for the sake of Ankara,
the EU cannot compromise its principles to please Turkish-Cypriot
leader Rauf Denktash.
6. - Afrika - "Solve it if it can be solved":
NORTHERN CYPRUS / 14 November 2002
by Kazim Denizci
(relayed by Cyprus PIO)
No investment has been made in some areas of Northern Cyprus for the last 28 years. Probably because it was thought that these areas would have been given as a concession. One who sees all these cannot think of something else. Some families do not even whitewash the houses they are living in. They live in the houses, which have been turned into ruins and do not spend their money in vain.
However, would it not be better for them as well if the houses, where they live for 28 years without even paying rent, were well kept? If those who rule do not do this, will the citizens do it? If we try to give examples we shall say that the areas of Morphou, Lefka, our villages at the borders, Varosha and its surroundings are extremely neglected and have been turned into ruins.
And what is the situation of Lurudjina village, which is Turkish territory? It is a total ruin and to a point of collapse. Why is this?
There is not even a way to go to old Kokkina village by land, but we still keep it in our hands. Is it a strategic matter?
Have you ever gone around the villages where villagers from Turkey had been brought and settled? It is as if they have no affection for this place and they do not consider it as their home. The villages and the houses are neglected, as if no one lives there.
Where is the embassy? Have they gone and seen the places where their own people live? Do they need to do this? They remember that these people live here only during the elections.
The villagers from Turkey have been always treated as if they would
go one d ay. For years they have been used only for political reasons.
Now bargaining is taking place regarding who will go and who will
stay. However, no one asked them or us. Neither they nor the Cypriots
are considered of any importance. Now plans have been submitted. We
are aware of absolutely nothing. Only lies are said to the people
in the Turkish side. This land is a Turkish territory, they say. In
1974 the registered property of the Turks on the whole island was
18 %. Now it is said that is 11 %. I could not know whether or not
this is true. 90 % of the land in the north is classified as military
zone. There is a military garrison everywhere. Every passing day,
the places where people could go, are decreasing. That is, this country
does not belong to us, but to others. They are the owners and we are
refugees. Come on and solve this problem, if it can be solved.