27 March 2002

1. - BBC - "Iraqi Kurds cautious on new US war":

By the BBC's Hiwa Osman

The leader of the Kurdistan Democratic Party in northern Iraq, Mas'ud Barzani, has said the question of whether the Kurds will support an American strike against Iraq or not "is not a simple one".

"We need many answers before we are able to answer such a question," he added.
Mr Barzani told the Kurdish regional parliament in Arbil on Monday that many changes had taken place in the world since 11 September and that "our region is expected to witness big events".

His remarks come amid increasing speculation that the US-led "war on terror" is going to extend to Iraq.

If this happens, the Kurdish region will have a key role to play, as it could become a base for attacks against Baghdad.

So far, the Kurds have been wary of stating any position for fear of provoking reprisals by Iraqi President Saddam Hussein.

Kurds and Iraqis

Before taking any steps, the Kurds - who have been in control of their area since 1991 - seem to be demanding answers to a number of questions.

Mas'ud Barzani

"Is it going to be an attack for the sake of attacking? Is there an alternative? Is there a plan for that?" Mr Barzani asked.

He said they would not take any decisions that might have negative consequences for the Iraqi people.

"As far as we are concerned, it is very important for us to safeguard and improve this [Kurdish] experience," said the KDP leader.

"We hold the same position towards the Iraqi people. We will not hesitate to protect them from any harm. It is our duty to do so."

He ruled out any scenario in which Iraq might disintegrate into a number of power centres in the event of an attack.

Mr Barzani said: "I think this analysis is very wrong. Neither we nor the Iraqi people will accept that or accept the mandate of any country."

Federal state

Turkish officials have said in the past that if the US attacks Iraq, the Kurds in the north will establish a state of their own - which Turkey would consider an "act of war".

Since 1992, Iraqi Kurds have been asking for a relationship with Baghdad that would be based on federalism.

"We have not asked for the establishment of a Kurdish state," Mr Barzani said.

"This does not mean that it is not our right to do so, but we know that it is not realistic, and we do not have the power to do so.

"We are asking for the rights of the Kurds, which can be realised in a federal solution for Iraq, as declared by our parliament in 1992."

Mr Barzani's KDP shared power in northern Iraq with the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan until 1994.

The two parties began a protracted armed conflict that lasted until September 1998, when a ceasefire was announced and they signed an agreement in Washington.

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2. - AFP - "Turkish radio station suspended for propagating Christianity":

ANKARA / March 26

Turkish authorities have for the first time suspended a private radio station for propagating Christianity in this predominantly Muslim country, the broadcaster said Tuesday. The state broadcasting watchdog RTUK suspended the broadcasts of Shema radio, the first Christian radio station in Ankara, for 31 days, effective March 21, station director Ismail Serinken told AFP.

One day of the suspension was imposed for propagating Christianity, and the other 30 days of closure were ordered for "separatists broadcasts" made by a Muslim radio which occupied the same frequency previously. Authorities said Shema radio had engaged in missionary activities and violated Turkish laws, a charge Serinken denied. He strongly criticized the decision, which he said was the result of "intolerance and prejudice" in Turkey, which is striving to improve its human rights record in order to gain entry to the European Union.

"It's not the suspension for a month that we regret but that for the one (additional) day, because all we did was spread the message of Christ," Serinken said. The station is financially dependent on the Protestant Kurtulus church, which counts some 500 mostly Turkish members and has been active in Ankara since the early 1980s. Since it was formed in 1994, the controversial RTUK has temporarily suspended the broadcasts of some 500 radio and television stations, in
particular Islamic and Kurdish stations, official figures show.

Turkish authorities are opposed to granting self-rule to Kurdish separatists, who have been waging a campaign for autonomy in Turkey's southeast for 15 years. While around 99 percent Muslim, Turkey is officially a secular country.

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3. - Junge Welt - ""The U.S. threat of war against Iraq: Where do Turkey’s Kurds stand?":

March 25

Junge Welt’s Dieter Balle spoke with Feridun Celik, Mayor of Diyarbakir and a member of the Pro-Kurdish leftist party HADEP [People’s Democracy Party]:

Q: In October of 2001, the Turkish Parliament passed over 30 Constitutional amendments with regard to the planned accession to the EU [European Union], which were intended to improve the situation of human rights and minorities. Have there been any perceptible consequences to date in the Kurdish regions?

The Constitutional amendments haven’t brought us anything to date, but rather the contrary: Publications and broadcasts in Kurdish are threatened with more prohibitions than ever. The single improvement that can be cited is the shortening of the time-period of initial detention.

QF: Will then no official radio or television broadcasts in Kurdish be possible in the foreseeable future?

There is currently a debate underway on this. Unfortunately, it is the case that recently in Diyarbakir, for instance, a private radio and also a television broadcaster were shut down because they had played Kurdish music.

On the other hand, the Turkish state, rather curiously, intends to include a one-hour program in Kurdish in its state-controlled [television] station GAP.

Q: How do you evaluate the petition campaign for instruction in the native language, in which to date over 10,000 pupils, students, and parents in Turkey have taken part?

Unfortunately, the state has moved very aggressively against the native language campaign. Students who have availed themselves of their natural right to submit petitions have been in some cases detained and put into detention.

Q: In Diyarbakir there are hundreds of thousands of refugees from the destroyed villages. Do they have any prospect of going back?

A solution to the problem of such returns is still a very long way off. Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit has proposed a so-called “Village-Town Project”. This model, however, is rejected by the Kurdish population.

F: Are there aid programs for the refugees?

The state provides no help whatsoever. We, as the municipal administration, are trying to ameliorate the most extreme needs by distributing food.

Q: How can the structural problems of the Kurdish regions be dealt with, given their particularly high unemployment rates?

The Turkish state and government have to understand that the Kurdish population is not working for separatism. They are striving for genuine democratic relationships. A solution for the structural problems will only be possible with a change in the viewpoint of the state and the other Turkish parties with regard to the Kurdish issue.

Q: What effects does the threat of aggression by the U.S. and NATO towards Iraq have on the neighboring Kurdish regions?

The Kurds were among the greatest victims of the Golf War in 1991, both as refugees and also being impacted from the economic standpoint.

On the other hand, the democracy problem in Iraq has to be resolved. Saddam is a dictator. We, as HADEP, support a democratic confederation in Iraq, although without aggression and without war, but reached via democratic means.

Q: What expectations do you have for Newroz 2002, the Kurdish New Year, celebrated on 21 March?

Our expectation is that the demands of the population for the realization of democratic rights will strike some resonance within the government.

Source: Translated from German by Kurdish Media; originally printed in “Junge Welt” newspaper on 21 March 2002; original German text at http://www.nadir.org/nadir/initiativ/isku/AKTUELL/2002/12/058.htm)

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4. - AFP - "Turkey passes more reforms to strengthen EU bid":

ANKARA, March 26

Turkey's parliament on Tuesday passed a fresh package of laws expanding civil rights and liberties in a bid to boost the country's struggling bid for European Union membership.
The nine-article package was designed to incorporate into law some of the constitutional amendments adopted in October last year to improve the much-criticized human rights of the country.

One of the amendments scraps an article in the press law dealing with publications in "forbidden languages," which effectively opens the way for Turkey's sizable Kurdish minority to publish material in their mother tongue.

Despite a ban on publications in "forbidden languages," Turkish authorities have long tolerated a number of magazines in Kurdish.

Other amendements bring about tougher criteria for banning political parties and enable authorities to cut part of, or all, state aid to parties if they commit crimes that do not merit a ban.
Another change, which aims to combat torture, stipulates that compensation Turkey is ordered to pay by the European Court of Human Rights for "torture, inhumane and cruel treatment" is to be paid by the civil servant responsible.

Other amendments relax the criteria for establishing non-profit associations and makes it easier for the public to hold protests and marches.

Last month the parliament adopted a first package of appropriation laws, amending mainly clauses regarding freedom of expression in the penal code, which both local critics and the European Union said was inadequate.

Since being declared a candidate for EU membership in December 1999, Ankara has been under pressure to introduce far-reaching democracy and rights reforms in order to be able to start accession talks with Brussels.

Turkey is lagging behind the other 12 candidates, all of whom have already opened the talks.
Speaking after the endorsement of the amendment package on Monday, Justice Minister Hikmet Sami Turk pledged that Turkey's efforts to align with EU standards would continue.

"We will pass fresh laws that will improve democracy and expand basic rights and freedoms," Turk said, Anatolia news agency reported.

The three-way government of Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit has failed to reach an agreement on a key EU norm -- the abolition of the death penalty for all crimes -- and has so far been reluctant to take steps to legalize education in the Kurdish language, another thorny EU demand.

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5. - Turkish Daily News - "We have to fight hard for EU (II)":

March 27 / by Mehmet Ali Birand

We have a strong adverse reaction to the EU on the grounds that it acts like a school principal and that it pays no attention at all to Turkey's sensitivities. But how do we, ourselves, do? We too are reluctant to act according to the rules of the game. We rap the EU. We treat it as if it is an enemy. The overall image being projected is as if one side is trying to keep a new candidate out, and the other side is trying to undermine the club it is preparing to join In yesterday's article I tried to point out the "warped" aspects of the European Union approach to Turkey, the words chosen, the school principal-type of stance that does not pay attention to Turkey's sensitivities at all.

The EU countries seem to be saying: "We have no hope at all that Turkey will comply with the Copenhagen criteria. But what the heck, let's give it a try!" This is the only way I can describe the way the EU members view Turkey.

Hence their failure to take the trouble to prepare themselves and their public for Turkish accession. As spectators harboring no hope about the game's outcome, they ware watching the developments from a distance. Not only they do not help at all, but they also make the job even more difficult with the stance they take.

So this is the EU stance. But what about us? Are we any different?

No.

There is hardly any difference between those EU circles who say, "Turkey must not be admitted into our ranks," and those circles in Turkey who say, "We must not join the EU." In fact, these circles act as if they have formed a secret alliance. They produce the kind of grounds that the other side can use. They do everything to provoke the other side.

Turkish side no different to the EU

Just like the EU, Turkey is playing this game in a very "different" way.

Whenever we are faced with even the slightest criticism, our reaction is one of: "I am a Turk. Who are you to tell me such things, to criticize me, to try to teach me a lesson on what I should change?"

More importantly, we believe that the EU is slyly conducting a campaign aimed at taking over and splitting Turkey, making certain demands on Turkey -- or seeking concessions -- to this effect.

All this time we have failed to admit that the Copenhagen criteria are not only being imposed on Turkey, that these conditions are valid for all candidate countries.

Also, we seem to be forgetting that the party that wants full membership is Turkey, and not the EU side, that we have actually informed the other side in writing of how exactly we would comply with the Copenhagen criteria, making a pledge to this effect.

The debates taking place in Turkey give the impression that Turkey is a very rare and precious thing that the EU could not possibly give up, God's gift to the world; that the EU has grabbed Turkey by the arm and is trying to drag it along so that it will become a full member; and that, during this "dragging" process, the EU is making unwarranted demands on Turkey out of the blue and, by force, is making Turkey accept these demands.

For some reason, Turkey still refuses to acknowledge the realities. As a result, it responds to the EU using a curious kind of logic that can be explained in the following manner:

"Turkey is an extremely important, invaluable country in the region, a country where conditions are different to any other country. Admitting such a valuable country into your ranks is an enormous gain for you. So, adopt a more flexible stance or alter the Copenhagen criteria and admit Turkey as a member, taking into consideration the conditions particular to Turkey."

When that logic does not prove effective, we get upset. And the more we get upset, the more inclined we become to devise new methods.

The harder we find it to fulfil the pledges we have made, the more we draft "adaptation laws" of our own kind, that is, the kind that would enable us to do what we like while pretending to be adapting to the EU system. We resort to oriental cunning.

However, we cannot get the intended effect. Since it is no fool, the other side does not accept that. And this draws adverse reactions from us. This, in turn, draws a negative response from the EU side. We get all the more angry and start using the: "They are trying to split Turkey. Rather than surrendering dishonorably I would refuse to join the EU," kind of rhetoric.

This is a veritable tangle.

They are not sincere and will not admit us, no matter what we do...

Another argument the Turkish public hears frequently during the debates is as follows:
"The EU is insincere and is playing a game with Turkey. The Europeans are racist. They do not like Turks. They are not sincere. Even if Turkey had done everything humanly possible and even went beyond that, they would fabricate some other excuse with which to prevent Turkey's full membership. Things being so, why should we make concessions?"

A highly erroneous kind of logic.

Before everything else, we seem unable to grasp the fact that compliance with the Copenhagen criteria would not mean making concessions to the EU. We fail to realize that Turkey needs these criteria with or without the EU, that sooner or later we will have to adopt these criteria for the sake of having a sound society.

Now let us come to the sincerity issue...

In these relations, there is no such thing as "sincerity." For any country, the important thing is not sincerity, but planning one's interests well.

The EU countries are doing absolutely the right thing by taking the Turkish candidacy lightly, by not getting excited, and by displaying sensitivity on the need for Turkey to comply with the Copenhagen criteria.

This is because the entry into the EU of a giant country such as Turkey would have consequences detrimental to the other countries. There would be another mouth to feed. If we were in their shoes would we be happy to see our share of the pie shrink?

We must get our due, forcing our way if we must

There is an important factor the Turkish public does not understand: Turkey has to be admitted into the EU. The agreement signed in 1963 has given Turkey that right. And full membership will mean that Turkey will become more affluent and will enjoy increased prestige in the region and in international relations.

The EU does not need today's poor Turkey, that is, a country with very little purchasing power. On the contrary, the EU would even prefer to have Turkey remain as a buffer between the EU and a region fraught with danger, that is, the Caucasus, the Balkans and the Middle East.
Therefore, we must put our head into the lion's mouth and get forcibly what is our due.

We will struggle. We will try to win over public opinion in the EU countries. We will pressurize the EU governments. We will strive to get our due.

Yet, we are squabbling amongst ourselves. We should drop everything and enter into a struggle with the other side.

In this two-part article I have tried to show you both sides of the coin. Both we and the EU are proceeding in absurd ways.

Since the EU is well off, it will probably not be affected so much. Turkey, on the other hand, stands to lose a lot. It is high time some people saw these facts.

What do you think?

If you have an idea, write to me and let us discuss it..

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6. - AFP - "Turkey's lost generation: the Kurds without a schooling":

DIYARBAKIR, March 27

Lale, at 15-years-old has reached the end of her compulsory schooling, but says she has no prospects. At 13, Gunes, her younger sister says she can recognise letters and wants to be a doctor.

But without even broaching the topic of education in the Kurdish language -- something the European Union has insisted should be a right for the community if Turkey is to join the 15-member bloc -- Lale and Gunes sum up the challenge that the education system in Turkey's Kurdish areas throws up.

They live in a modest apartment in the southeastern city of Diyarbakir, where two thirds of the population, like them, are refugees from rural areas flushed out by 15 years of Kurdish separatist fighting.

The town is the regional capital of the mainly-Kurdish region which was the scene of a 15-year insurgency led by the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK).

"We have lost a lot of time," Abdulkadir Buluk, regional education director concedes, painting a rosy picture of the far-from bright situation.

"There are now no closed schools in the region, against 400 unused five years ago," he insists, adding that there are now 10 percent more pupils in primary education compared to a year ago, along with 20 percent more teachers.

But despite the impressive figures, around 20,000 children, out of an annual intake of 320,000, are languishing at the margins of the education system, Buluk acknowledges.

But even the official figures fail to take into account the regions worst-hit by years of ethnic violence and still out of bounds, like the town of Lice, where at least a dozen schools have quite literally disappeared.

Heavy fighting has subsided considerably since September 1999, when the PKK said it was ending its armed campaign and withdrawing from Turkey to seek a peaceful resolution to the conflict, but a legacy of destruction remains.

Numerous children from the blighted rural areas now living in Diyarbakir are still denied access to schooling, mainly due to red-tape.

"Having fled our village because of the army's violence and the rebellion, they first of all refused my daughters access to the school because we were not living in the area," the mother of Lale and Gunes explains.

"Then, when we got the right papers, they said the building we lived in didn't belong to us, after promising us financial help which never materialised," she added.

According to the Egitim-Sen union, economic constraints are the main reason why children leave school early, with the state doing "only what it has to" Diyarbakir's representative from the body, Abdullah Demirbas, says.

Illiteracy in the region stands at 44 percent, he adds, blaming the figure on a lack of resources devoted to education in the wake of the rural exodus.

The result, he says, is that many children like Lale have lost the right to an education since arriving in the towns.

But authorities say they are doing all they can to reopen schools, even in the countryside, with the help of the army which is building libraries.

But there is still a desperate lack of teachers and buildings and despite all efforts classes are oversized.

"The average class size is 55 and our aim is to reduce that to 30," says Buluk.

"They are 70 or 80 in the poorer districts, which equates to 30 seconds per pupil per class," adds the Egitim-Sen union.

"We must now concentrate on the quality of the teaching," Buluk says, hopefully. "If we can make that happen we can avoid the worst and get on to a European level."