10 July 2002

1. "Deadlock over EU bid at centre of Turkey's political storm", deadlock over Turkey's struggling bid to join the European Union lies at the centre of the political storm currently battering the country and crippling its economy.

2. "Beleaguered Turkish PM hints at possible early elections", Turkish Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit admitted for the first time in a newspaper interview Wednesday that elections could be brought forward after a wave of resignations left him isolated and exacerbated the country's economic woes.

3. “Turkey: Defections Rock Ruling Party, Increase Pressure On Ecevit”, Turkey's political crisis deepened over the past two days with the resignation of several cabinet ministers of Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit's Democratic Left Party, or DSP.

4. "Reforms have to come before talks", the outcome of the present political emergency in Ankara will determine whether Turkey achieves its aim of securing a date for the start of membership negotiations with the European Union.

5. "European Court condemns Turkey over press freedom", the European Court of Human Rights condemned Turkey on Tuesday for violating the freedom of expression of an Istanbul journalist, the publisher and senior editor of the fortnightly newspaper The Voice of Youth.

6. "Ocalan: A US intervention on Iraq might also topple surrounding regimes", Osman Ocalan, KADEK Council of Leaders member, made explanations to MHA on the latest situation in South Kurdistan, Iraq and the Middle East. Ocalan said that USA’s armed intervention on Iraq would impose change in the whole region, adding that roles of KDP and PUK in the region would gain more importance.

7. "The enduring pain of Halabja”, Halabja was bombed by Iraqi forces with poison gas in the year 1988, causing 5.000 civilian casualties. The people of Halabja, under the control of autonomous Kurdish administrations since 1991, find it ironic that the US now condemns Saddam Hussein's regime as forming part of an "axis of evil".

8. "Kurdish leader Talabani in talks with Saudi officials: PUK", the leader of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), one of two main Kurdish factions sharing control of northern Iraq, is in Jeddah for talks with Saudi officials, a PUK official said Tuesday.

1. - AFP - "Deadlock over EU bid at centre of Turkey's political storm":

ANKARA / 10 July 2002 / by Sibel Utku

Deadlock over Turkey's struggling bid to join the European Union lies at the centre of the political storm currently battering the country and crippling its economy. Disagreements at the heart of the government over the issue reached crisis point Monday when ailing Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit's deputy quit both his government post and Ecevit's Democratic Left Party (DSP).

After Husamettin Ozkan's resignation, five other ministers and more than 25 deputies followed suit. Commentators say that under the most likely scenario, the defectors would form a new party and seek to lure in two political heavyweights, Foreign Minister Ismail Cem and Economy Minister Kemal Dervis, in a bid to oust the current government and end the turmoil. Turkey's traditionally pro-western orientation is of importance both for the EU and the United States, who value the mainly Muslim but strictly secular nation as a reliable NATO ally at the crossroads between the volatile Middle East, the Balkans and the oil-rich Caucasus.

For Turkey itself, the advancement of its EU candidacy process would mean a boosted international credibility, which many believe would help the ailing economy by encouraging much-needed foreign investment. "The objective is an EU government," the mass-circulation daily Hurriyet said in a front-page headline, speculating that the defectors would seek to form a new government with opposition support to pass crucial EU-demanded reforms and then go to early elections in April 2003. Turkey's reform drive to catch up with EU standards has hit a stalemate with Ecevit away from his office since early May due to ill health and his far-right coalition partner, the Nationalist Action Party (MHP), stiffly opposed to key democracy norms.

Turkey, the only nation among the 13 membership candidates that has so far failed to start accession talks with the EU, has a self-imposed target to get a date for the opening of negotiations by the year-end. Ankara fears that if it misses its target, it will remain outside the calendar of enlargement and postpone its accession indefinitely. The first group of newcomers -- numbering up to 10 -- are expected to join the EU in 2004.

"Turkey is at a historical turning point. The last chance to win a concrete calendar (for accession) is in December," the Milliyet daily said. "The MHP is against the Copenhagen criteria, the basic document of the EU. And Ecevit has neither the power nor the will to launch an initiative on this issue," he added. The MHP is opposed to fundamental EU principles such as the abolition of the death penalty and legalizing broadcasts and education in the language of the sizable Kurdish minority.

All eyes have now turned on the stance to be adopted by Cem, a staunch EU proponent, and Dervis, who is highly trusted by Turkey's battered financial markets and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), which supports Turkey's economic recovery with massive loans. Cem, a DSP member, and the independent Dervis have recently openly held meetings with Ozkan, who has led the rebellion against Ecevit. "We must accelerate the EU candidacy process and put Turkey into a European track with no return. This is very important for the economy... and we agree on this issue," Dervis said on Tuesday after meeting with Cem.

But commentators said the "countdown" for Cem's departure from the DSP had started after his behind-the-scenes foreign policy rival Sukru Sina Gurel, who has often harshly criticised the EU, was appointed deputy to Ecevit Tuesday. "Every crisis is a chance for a breakthrough... Turkey's EU creed is above all political considerations. A great relief will come after all those difficulties," Gunes said. The three major opposition parties in parliament have pledged support for EU-demanded reforms on the condition that early elections are held.

2. - AFP - "Beleaguered Turkish PM hints at possible early elections":

ANKARA / 10 July 2002 / by Hande Culpan

Turkish Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit admitted for the first time in a newspaper interview Wednesday that elections could be brought forward after a wave of resignations left him isolated and exacerbated the country's economic woes.

Ecevit's concession came after more than 30 legislators, including six ministers, defected from his Democratic Left Party (DSP) in the past two days and his own coaliton partners threw their weight behind calls to bring elections forward from their scheduled date in 2004.

In the interview to the mass-circulation Miliyet daily, Ecevit reiterated his view that early elections would disrupt efforts to battle a severe economic crisis and meet EU demands for reforms to join the 15-nation bloc. But the 77-year-old head of government said that his far-right coalition partner, Devlet Bahceli of the Nationalist Action Party (MHP), told him elections were inevitable.

"I believe early elections would be wrong, but if they become compulsory under these circumstances, we will have to comply," Ecevit told the newspaper. "We, the three chairmen (of the governing coalition) may determine a new election date. This may not be April 2004, but another date brought forward," he added. However, the prime minister said he saw no need for him to resign.

"Bahceli said that I should continue as prime minister regardless of the number of seats the DSP has in parliament," Ecevit said. The veteran leader came to his office Wednesday -- for the first time in 67 days -- to chair a cabinet meeting which is likely to be dominated by the crucial situation of the coalition and election talk.

Ecevit has been away from his office due to health problems since early May. The defections -- triggered by Ecevit's rejection to step down and spearheaded by Husamettin Ozkan, his former right-hand man -- have ended the DSP's majority in the 550-seat parliament and put in in second place after the MHP.

"He (Bahceli) said the government should stay in power and go to elections under my charge," Ecevit said. Mesut Yilmaz of the Motherland Party (ANAP), the third coalition partner, meanwhile, suggested Tuesday that polls could be held even in late September. Turkey's jittery markets have crashed -- since Ecevit fell ill -- over the possibility of early polls, which they fear would derail the economic austerity programme backed by massive loans from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and a government deadlock over key reforms required under the EU bid.

Bahceli made a surprise proposal at the weekend and urged early elections in November, and the party launched a parliamentary procedure to recall deputies from summer recess on September 1 to vote on elections. On Wednesday, the MHP submitted to the parliament speaker's office a proposal signed by 125 MPs for call lawmakers to an extraordinary session devoted solely to snap polls. Ecevit has so far remained mute on the exodus from the government that has left it on the brink of collapse, but named new ministers to posts left vacant by the defectors.

The much-expected scenario on the chaotic political scene -- which is also highly anticipated by the bruised markets -- is a new political party headed by Ozkan which will also involve Foreign Minister Ismail Cem and Economy Minister Kemal Dervis. There has been a flurry of talks between the three politicians since Tuesday, but nothing concerete to reveal their future political plans.

According to public surveys, early elections would prove detrimental to the ruling parties, whose popularity has nosedived due to severe economic woes, but help popular Islamist leader Recep Tayyip Erdogan, which would almost certainly upset the army-led secular elite of the mainly Muslim country.

3. – Radio Free Europe – “Turkey: Defections Rock Ruling Party, Increase Pressure On Ecevit”:

Turkey's political crisis deepened over the past two days with the resignation of several cabinet ministers of Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit's Democratic Left Party, or DSP. In addition, a string of DSP deputies also left the party, significantly affecting the balance of forces in parliament. DSP officials say they are expecting more resignations today after conservative Deputy Prime Minister Mesut Yilmaz joined his voice to that of far-right leader Devlet Bahceli and called for early legislative elections.

PRAGUE / 9 July 2002 / by Jean-Christophe Peuch

Turkish Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit's coalition cabinet is teetering on the verge of collapse, less than 24 hours after three of its members -- all of them members of his Democratic Left Party, or DSP -- handed in their resignations and as new resignations followed today.

In remarks broadcast on state television this morning, Deputy Prime Minister Mesut Yilmaz said Turkey has entered a "political crisis," leaving him and other political leaders with the task of getting over it "with the least-possible damage for Turkey."

Using even stronger imagery, Turkish media described the latest events as an "earthquake" set to seriously affect the country's political landscape.

Adding to the overall sense of urgency, the International Monetary Fund yesterday urged Ankara, its biggest debtor, to implement a three-year, $16 billion emergency aid package meant to help Turkey out of its worst economic crisis since the end of World War II.

The latest political turmoil was prompted by the surprise resignation of Deputy Prime Minister and State Minister Husamettin Ozkan, a man believed to have been Ecevit's closest aid for the past 11 years.

In a statement issued yesterday after a meeting with Ecevit, Ozkan said he was stepping down on Ecevit's request, suggesting a rift over Turkey's economic and political situation.

Shortly thereafter, DSP State Minister Recep Onal and DSP Culture Minister Istemihan Talay said they, too, were stepping down and relinquishing their DSP parliamentary seats. Under the constitution, the prime minister and all cabinet members are chosen from among parliamentarians.

Addressing a crowd of supporters in his hometown of Zonguldak, State Minister Hasan Gemici today said he is also resigning from both the government and the DSP. He explained that his decision was caused by disenchantment with Ecevit's leadership. "A lack of confidence in the Turkish people and a lack of hope are making our country's problems even more difficult. Up until today, I was expecting that DSP secretary-general and prime minister, Mr. Ecevit, would take new steps to clear the way for the party, the government, and for Turkey. Yet, this has not happened," Gemici said.

In addition to these cabinet resignations, more than 20 other DSP parliamentarians, including parliamentary Deputy Chairman Ali Iliksoy, left the ranks of Ecevit's party, which, up until yesterday, had only a one-seat majority in the 550-member parliament, the Turkish Grand National Assembly.

As a result of the ongoing shake-up, the DSP has already dropped to second position with fewer than 100 seats, far behind Deputy Prime Minister Devlet Bahceli's far-right Nationalist Action Party, or MHP, which has 127 seats.

DSP officials say they are expecting more resignations in the near future, but claim that the overall number of defectors should not exceed 30.

Ecevit, who is seen as the man responsible for the current crisis, has not commented on the latest political developments. Today, he appointed DSP State Minister Sukru Sina Gurel to replace Ozkan. Other vacant ministerial posts were also filled.

The present turmoil follows weeks of speculation over the coalition cabinet's future, prompted by concerns about the prime minister's health. The 77-year-old Ecevit has been absent from office for most of the past two months amid a long series of ailments, including intestinal troubles, a muscular nervous disorder, and blood clots in one leg.

Ecevit has been facing increasing pressure in recent weeks -- from the media, the business community, and his own party -- to step down before his term expires in April 2004. Yet, the three-time prime minister has persistently rejected calls for his resignation, arguing his early departure would plunge the country into greater chaos.

At stake is not only the future of Turkey's economy but also key reforms needed to qualify for entry into the European Union.

Ankara, which applied for EU membership in 1987 but stands last among 13 candidates, wants Brussels to set a date for the start of accession talks by the end of this year. But the EU insists that Turkey first proceed with steps to abolish the death penalty and bestow greater cultural rights to its 12-million-strong Kurdish minority. The EU also wants Turkey to show more flexibility on the issue of the divided Mediterranean island of Cyprus.

In tune with the military, which wields considerable influence over Turkish politics, far-right leader and senior coalition partner Bahceli is opposed to such changes, which, he argues, pose a threat to the country's national interests.

Addressing an MHP meeting in the western city of Bursa on 7 July, Bahceli said early legislative elections should be organized in on 3 November. It was the first time a cabinet member had made such a suggestion.

In a statement read to the press the next day, MHP senior official Koray Aydin said Bahceli would take steps to convene an emergency parliamentary session to debate the possibility of an early poll while leaving the present cabinet untouched. "The chairman of the MHP parliamentary group [Bahceli] summoned me to the prime minister's office and instructed me to start collecting the required number of signatures from MHP deputies to call an emergency session of the Turkish Grand National Assembly on 1 September," Aydin said.

The constitution requires the signatures of only 110 deputies for the convention of emergency sessions of parliament. Should the National Assembly decide to move ahead with early polls, a simple majority of votes would be required.

Bahceli's motives suddenly to call for early elections are not clear. He had repeatedly rejected the possibility before, saying no election should be held before the mandate of the present legislature expires in April 2004.

On 7 July, the MHP leader told his supporters he was prompted by an urgent need to end political uncertainty. Yet, critics point out that should elections be organized in November, it would not leave the new legislature enough time to vote in more democratic laws before the EU decides in December on a time frame for its enlargement process.

Deputy Prime Minister Yilmaz, who oversees relations with Brussels in Ecevit's cabinet and heads the third coalition party (the Motherland Party), described Bahceli's proposed timetable as "totally unacceptable from the viewpoint of Turkey's relations with the EU." Therefore, Yilmaz said, should an early poll be organized, it should take place no later than late September.

Political analysts also believe Bahceli's proposal is aimed at preventing alleged plans to oust the MHP from the current coalition and replace it with former Prime Minister Tansu Ciller's True Path Party (DYP), the largest opposition group in parliament.

Experts argue that such a scenario would allow Turkey to proceed rapidly with EU-oriented reforms, since Ciller is seen as generally more favorable to the legal changes demanded by Brussels than Bahceli. Such plans also envisage that a new prime minister would be appointed to replace Ecevit.

Among possible contenders to succeed the veteran leader, Turkish media cite outgoing Deputy Prime Minister Ozkan, State Minister Kemal Dervis, and Foreign Minister Ismail Cem.

Reuters quoted financial analysts as saying that Turkish markets, which registered a nearly 5 percent drop yesterday in the morning session amid renewed concerns over political instability, would welcome any coalition cabinet that would include Dervis or Cem.

Cem, a heavyweight in Ecevit's DSP and a prominent advocate of EU-related reforms, cut short his vacation to return to Ankara and hold consultations with Dervis today.

A former World Bank director, Dervis returned to his native country in March of last year at Ecevit's request to take over the reins of the economy and spearhead the government's efforts to extirpate Turkey from financial turmoil. Dervis, who is not affiliated with any existing party, has repeatedly said in recent months that he was considering entering politics.

In an interview with CNN-Turk on 7 July, Ecevit responded to media speculation regarding Dervis's alleged political ambitions by saying a government of technocrats would not be suitable for Turkey.

The prime minister once again rejected calls for his resignation, a stance reiterated by the DSP parliamentary group's deputy chairman, Emrehan Halici, on 8 July. "We are not considering early elections. We believe it is necessary that elections should be held as scheduled," Halici said.

Political analysts believe, however, that recent defections within the ruling party have left Ecevit with few alternatives.

"With the DSP in such a bad shape, the only option left for Ecevit is to accept early elections and try to lead the country to the polls," journalist Ilnur Cevik wrote in today's "Turkish Daily News."

"The genie is out of the bottle, and you can't put it back in," echoed columnist Ertugrul Ozkok in "Hurriyet" daily, also commenting on the prospect of early polls.

4. - The Times - "Reforms have to come before talks":

BRUSSELS / 10 July 2002 / From Rory Watson in Brussels

The outcome of the present political emergency in Ankara will determine whether Turkey achieves its aim of securing a date for the start of membership negotiations with the European Union.

A long period of government instability would make it even harder to push through the political and economic reforms that must be in place before formal accession talks can begin. The splits that have emerged in Bulent Ecevit’s three-party coalition, however, could eventually end the government paralysis of the past few months and reshape the political landscape.

A European Commission official said: “We are following developments very closely, but we are confident the political and institutional system will guarantee the stability for implementing further economic and political reform.”

Turkey, which tabled its EU membership application in 1987, is pressing Brussels to decide by the end of the year when negotiations will begin, but the Union says that Ankara must first put its own house in order. Under political criteria agreed nine years ago, Turkey will have to convince the EU that it has achieved stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights and respect for, and protection of, minorities before it can begin membership talks.

The Government has introduced constitutional reforms that the EU considers go in the right direction, but more remains to be done. The death penalty, though unused, remains available in law, the media do not enjoy full freedom of expression and the cultural rights of all Turkish citizens, irrespective of their origin or linguistic background, are still not respected.

It is unclear what impact the political emergency will have on the two most highly sensitive aspects of Turkey’s relationship with the EU. The first concerns EU use of Nato arms when carrying out crisis-management operations.

Mutual suspicion between Athens and Ankara thwarted an agreement at the European summit in Seville last month. Yet it now falls to Greece, which chairs Union military meetings because of the Danish EU presidency’s opt-out in this policy area, to try to strike a deal.

With the EU committed to taking over the Nato operation in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and its rapid reaction force due to be operational by January, pressure is increasing for an early agreement. A spokesman for Javier Solana, the EU’s most senior foreign policy official, said yesterday: “We are making this a top priority and our aim is to have an agreement as soon as possible”.

Turkey’s attitude towards Cyprus and the divided island’s own EU membership application are also critical. The European Commission insists, however, that whatever the outcome of the Cyprus or Nato negotiations, formal accession talks with Turkey will begin only once the necessary political and human rights reforms are in place.

5. - AFP - "European Court condemns Turkey over press freedom":

STRASBOURG / 10 July 2002

The European Court of Human Rights condemned Turkey on Tuesday for violating the freedom of expression of an Istanbul journalist, the publisher and senior editor of the fortnightly newspaper The Voice of Youth.

In July 1994, Seher Karatas had published an article aimed at young people and calling for union with the working class to combat unemployment and poverty, the court said in a statement. The article also criticised "a system said to be heading towards instability and crisis."

Charged with inciting the people to hatred and hostility, Karatas was sentenced in July 1995 by the National Security Court to one year and eight months' imprisonment, later converted into a hefty fine. The European Court said that the published article had taken the form of a "political speech" and contained a call for "general strike and resistance" which "did not make it contrary to democratic rules, especially as it was scarcely distinguishable from appeals made by political movements in other member states of the Council of Europe."

No passage vindicated acts of terrorism or called for "violence or bloody revenge," said the court, finding that the sentencing of the journalist was "disproportionate" in a democratic society. Karatas was awarded 4,500 euros for non-pecuniary damage and 2,500 euros for costs and expenses.

6. - Mesopotamia News Agency - "Ocalan: A US intervention on Iraq might also topple surrounding regimes":

9 July 2002

Osman Ocalan, KADEK Council of Leaders member, made explanations to MHA on the latest situation in South Kurdistan, Iraq and the Middle East. Ocalan said that USA’s armed intervention on Iraq would impose change in the whole region, adding that roles of KDP and PUK in the region would gain more importance.

The Kurdish leader emphasized that they did not have any aspirations as to South Kurdistan, were ready to solve every problem through dialogue and reconciliation, and would support the solution of Kurdish problem through democratic means.

Ocalan said the following: USA has not stopped its effort to rearrange the region for 11 years. Even if the Iraqi regime were changed, it could not be able to change the regimes in other countries, causing the Iraqi regime to be deteriorated. At that time all regimes in the countries of the region had a certain societal support. But in the meantime all regimes were marginalized. We can see it easily in Turkey. Even in Turkey which is one of the most important allies of USA the regime was marginalized. It is now possible to overcome the existing regimes by economical, political and social interventions. We can say this for all regimes in the region. The 11 years were used as such. Now all regimes are ready to changes. Therefore it is possible for long-expected armed intervention to begin. What is important is the time of the intervention. But we can say that easily: An attack on Iraq will fan the fire. It will shake all regimes and make them face with reality of change.”

KDP's democratic apect missing

“It is important to reply the question as to what KDP and PUK were making. Now, they have different aspects. Especially in the last two years they have made their differences evident. KDP has a tendency towards becoming a state. It has made alliance with Turkey against us. KDP has gained strength from the alliance and become institutionalised. Now KDP wishes to be a state, that is a formally dependent but functional state. Now the question as to what such a policy brings is becoming important. Only becoming state of its own accord cause conflicts with its environment. It deepens the conflicts whereas an effort for alliance depending on democratisation solves the conflicts with neighbour states. If KDP implemented a democratisation program together with its efforts to become a state, we would be able to talk positively.”

PUK like a satellite out of its orbit

“As to PUK, it makes politics on balances, that is it has no program on either becoming a state nor democratisation. It observes the conflicts between states. It aims to determine its role from observing these conflicts. Interestingly, if we say that KDP and PUK has changed their roles we will say the truth. PUK used to emphasize confederation, it used to have a program to become a state within a confederation. As far as democracy, freedom to political activity and press freedom are concerned, it is even more backward than the existing regime, whereas these freedoms are indispensable prerogatives of a democratic regime. As it is, PUK is like a satellite out of its orbit. It is not clear which one it hits. Likewise it has recently begun to take pains with us again. It smuggles guerrillas from us, and markets them to MUHABERAT and MIT (Syrian and Turkish intelligence services) and takes money in return.”

We are ready to solve the problems

“And here comes to the scene the role of KADEK which has the widest program for democratisation. We will try our best for a democratic development in South Kurdistan. We will aim to be constructive. We are ready to solve the problems through dialogue and reconciliation till the end. We have no such problem as seizing power. Moreover there is PCDK whose program we find good. PCDK might render its program effective. We are ready to support other forces as well as PCDK.”

7. - Financial Times - "The enduring pain of Halabja":

HALABJA - NORTHERN IRAQ / 10 July 2002 / by Guy Dinmore

"We could smell something strange like apples," recalls Aras Abed Akra. "Down in our shelter we felt short of breath. A soldier went out and next door he saw that the caged birds of our neighbour were all dead."

Gently prompted by a doctor to relive his experiences as a form of therapy, Mr Akra slowly describes the events of March 1988, when Iraqi jets bombed the northern Kurdish town of Halabja, the most devastating poison gas attack on a civilian population in history.

The first wave of aircraft dropped conventional bombs, sending people down into basements.

With the next wave came innocent-looking streamers, which, with hindsight, people realised were dropped to gauge wind speed and direction.

"We stayed in the shelter until evening, but then I just wanted to escape," continues Mr Akra, then 22. "We wrapped our faces in wet towels. It was hard to breathe. One friend became blind immediately when he removed his towel. We got confused and lost, couldn't see more than a metre ahead."

Halabja was singled out for attack because the local Kurdish population had sided with Iran in the eight-year war with Iraq that began in 1980.

Mr Akra was picked up by the Iranians and, like many other victims, taken to hospital inside Iran. He returned to Halabja in search of his family. "I saw over 200 bodies in just 100 metres. There was a terrible smell from the chemicals and the corpses. I went to the shelter. I first saw my grandmother. She had swollen up. Then I saw the blackened face of my mother and I lost consciousness."

Some months later Mr Akra was captured by the Iraqi army and conscripted. Bitterly, he recalls he was posted to a chemical warfare administration unit.

Kaveh Golestan, an Iranian photographer, was about 8km outside Halabja with a military helicopter when the Iraqi MiG-26s flew in. He was in a village that had already been gassed, empty of people but full of dead sheep.

The journalists had chemical suits, syringes for drugs to counteract the effects and masks - except that the filter in the mouthpiece was missing.

"It was not as big as a nuclear mushroom cloud, but several smaller ones: thick smoke," says Mr Golestan, winner of a Pulitzer award.

Nervous of being caught in the attack, their pilots flew back to Iran.

They returned the next day. Mr Golestan had seen gas attacks before, when he was at the frontline, but this was different.

"It was life frozen. Life had stopped, like watching a film and suddenly it hangs on one frame. It was a new kind of death to me. You went into a room, a kitchen and you saw the body of a woman holding a knife where she had been cutting a carrot.

"The aftermath was worse. Victims were still being brought in. Some villagers came to our chopper. They had 15 or 16 beautiful children, begging us to take them to hospital. So all the press sat there and we were each handed a child to carry. As we took off, fluid came out of my little girl's mouth and she died in my arms."

According to Christine Gosden, a professor of medical genetics at Liverpool University, the Halabja attack involved a cocktail of chemical agents, including mustard gas, and the nerve agents sarin, tabun and VX.

More than 14 years have passed, but still the Kurds of Halabja are suffering.

Dr Gosden says the occurrences of genetic mutations and cancer in Halabja "appear comparable with those who were one to two kilometres from ground zero in Hiroshima and Nagasaki."

Adil Kerem Fatah, director of the local hospital, is convinced that higher incidences of cancer and birth defects in the region are linked to the use of chemical agents, but he is exasperated over the lack of aid for research or treatment.

Dr Fatah has carried out his own surveys which, he says, show higher incidences of cancer, especially of the breast and colon, as well as infertility, congenital birth defects, diseases of the respiratory system and severe eye problems.

His hospital performed 108 deliveries in April and among them were four cases of anencephaly, where part of the brain is missing - a rate that is far higher than the international norm.

The people of Halabja, under the control of autonomous Kurdish administrations since 1991, find it ironic that the US now condemns Saddam Hussein's regime as forming part of an "axis of evil".

Back in 1988, the US and much of Europe had tilted heavily towards Iraq in its war with Iran. There was little international reaction to the attack, which the Kurds say killed some 5,000 people.

Despite its isolation, Halabja is slowly recovering. Wedged at the end of a broad valley with marshlands and lakes, the fields are fertile and shops are full of local produce from soil that has never been thoroughly tested.

Graveyards, just a jumble of small mounds marked by jagged rocks, are disappearing among fields of wheat and barley. Stone houses still lie in ruins.

Apart from the hospital patients like Mr Akra, seeking treatment for trauma and physical disorders, the only obvious sign of the tragedy is a simple memorial on the main road, two prone figures in stone, of a man in a last futile attempt to shield his grandson.

8. - AFP - "Kurdish leader Talabani in talks with Saudi officials: PUK":

DUBAI / 9 July 2002

The leader of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), one of two main Kurdish factions sharing control of northern Iraq, is in Jeddah for talks with Saudi officials, a PUK official said Tuesday.

Jalal Talabani arrived in Saudi Arabia Sunday at the head of a PUK delegation after receiving an "official invitation" to visit the kingdom, PUK foreign affairs chief Sadi Ahmad Pire told AFP by telephone from Sulaimaniya, the main town in the PUK-controlled part of the Kurdish enclave.

Pire said Talabani, who will stay in Saudi Arabia several days on his fourth visit there since the 1991 Gulf War which ended with Baghdad losing control over Iraqi Kurdistan, would hold talks with Saudi officials on issues related to the situation in Iraq. He could not immediately provide the names of the Saudi officials with whom Talabani would meet, but stressed the visit was part of the PUK's consultations with Iraq's neighbors which has included trips by Talabani to Syria, Turkey and Iran since March.

The PUK is keen on sounding out Iraq's neighbors and exchanging views with them, Pire said, adding that Talabani would visit other countries of the region, possibly including Kuwait and Jordan. There was no comment from Saudi officials on the visit, and Talabani could not be immediately reached at the Saudi government's Jeddah guest house.

Talabani's visit coincides with a renewed pledge by US President George W. Bush to use "all tools" at his disposal to oust Iraqi President Saddam Hussein, whom Washington accuses of developing weapons of mass destruction. Bush, however, skirted a question Monday on whether Saddam's overthrow would be achieved in his first term which ends in January 2005. The New York Times reported Friday that a top secret US military document outlines a massive, three-pronged attack on Iraq by land, sea and air with as many as 250,000 troops and hundreds of warplanes.

The Western-protected Iraqi Kurdish enclave is seen as a likely springboard for military action aimed at ousting Saddam. The PUK shares control of the area with the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) of Massoud Barzani. Saudi Arabia, which has come out against a potential US strike against Iraq, hosts thousands of US troops as well as warplanes that enforce a "no-fly" zone over the south of that country, and is Washington's major ally in the Gulf.