6
December 2002
2. "France, Germany Agree on EU Turkey Review", France said on Thursday it had agreed with Germany that next week's EU summit should give Turkey a December 2004 appointment to review its candidacy, but stop short of a firm date for accession talks.
3. "U.N. studying reactions to Cyprus plan", formal reactions to Secretary-General Kofi Annan's Nov. 11 Cyprus reunification proposals were being studied at U.N. headquarters Thursday, following an aborted attempt a day earlier to simultaneously submit them on the Mediterranean isle and in New York.
4. "It is not too late", the promotion to membership candidate status and the innumerable affirmations of a 'European calling' for the Eurasian country have been carried by the cynical conviction that the internal state of Turkey would never allow an accession procedure to cross the line from promise to political reality.
5. "Turkey: Partial Commitment On Iraq War Satisfies U.S. Planners", as Washington seeks to line up international support for possible military action against Iraq, Turkey this week provided the clearest outline yet of its terms for joining a coalition.
6. "Turkey did not make commitments on Iraq", evaluating the visit of U.S. Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz and Deputy Secretary of State Marc Grossman to Ankara, the Prime Ministry said that Turkey has made no commitments to a possible Iraq operation and the Turkish Parliament is the final authority that will make the decisions on possible military means.
1. - Kathimerini - "Denktash responds, finally":
Athens / 6 December 2002
Both sides reply to UN Cyprus plan; Greek FM offers framework for talks post-Copenhagen
Turkish-Cypriot leader Rauf Denktash yesterday finally submitted his first official response to UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan's proposal for a solution to the Cyprus problem, allowing the process to go ahead with a new round of contacts perhaps as early as tomorrow. Only Cyprus President Glafcos Clerides had met Annan's Nov. 18 deadline to say whether he considered the plan the basis for negotiations for a comprehensive solution. Both Clerides and Denktash missed Annan's deadline of last Saturday to present their comments on his plan, and on Wednesday night the story of deadlines took a new twist when Denktash told the UN that he would present his comments later that night, at 11.30 p.m. Cyprus time. The UN informed the Greek Cypriots, who submitted their proposals at 11.48 p.m. - only to pull them back yesterday morning when they learned that in the end the Turkish Cypriots had not submitted theirs, ostensibly because of a problem with their fax machine. The envelope with the Greek Cypriots' response was returned opened, and was then given back to Annan's Cyprus envoy, Alvaro de Soto.
The UN is pressing for a solution to the Cyprus issue before Thursday's EU summit in Copenhagen, which is expected to invite Cyprus to join the EU along with another nine candidates. Turkey is unlikely to be given a date for the start of its own accession talks. French President Jacques Chirac said yesterday that France and Germany have agreed to propose a conditional date for Turkey to begin EU membership talks in 2005, subject to a European Commission report on whether Ankara met the necessary criteria.
Denktash's response was said to comprise three pages with an accompanying letter from the Turkish-Cypriot leader. The document does not express opinions but rather lists the issues on which the Turkish side wants changes to be made. These concern the way in which executive power will be wielded, security, territory, settlers and the issue of separate sovereignty of the proposed reunified state's two components.
Ankara, meanwhile, is waiting for details on a proposal it understood Foreign Minister George Papandreou had made on his visit to Turkey on Wednesday, regarding a commitment by all sides to continue working on the Cyprus issue if a solution is not found before Copenhagen.
«The idea of a draft framework was proposed by the Greek foreign minister but we do not have full information regarding this,» said Turkish Foreign Minister Yasar Yakis, the Athens News Agency reported. He said Turkey had asked «the Greek side to send us a text and we stressed that we will respond when we are briefed accordingly. The agency said the Greek idea was met with skepticism by the Turkish Foreign Ministry and opposition leader Deniz Baykal, who saw it as an effort to get Turkey to make «prior commitments» in response for a date for talks with the EU.
President Clerides's 15-page response to Annan's plan outlines the parts which the Greek Cypriots believe need to be negotiated or changed.
Mumtaz Soysal, a legal adviser to Denktash, said the Turkish Cypriot's
paper was «a very brief text of about two or three pages.»
He told Turkey's NTV news channel that it summarized objections to
arrangements regarding Turkish-Cypriot sovereignty powers and territorial
adjustments as well as proposals for the return of thousands of Greek
Cypriots to the Turk-Cypriot-run north. The document also complained
over the «weak» guarantorship rights envisaged for Turkey
in the plan, Agence France-Presse reported.
2. - Reuters - "France, Germany Agree on EU Turkey Review - Chirac":
PARIS / 6 December 2002
by Sophie Louet
France said on Thursday it had agreed with Germany that next week's EU summit should give Turkey a December 2004 appointment to review its candidacy, but stop short of a firm date for accession talks.
French President Jacques Chirac said the review of Turkey's progress in meeting EU criteria on democracy and human rights would be carried out with a view to opening negotiations in July 2005 on entry to the bloc if it made the grade.
The deal between Chirac and German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder falls short of Turkey's demand for nothing less than a clear date for starting talks from next week's European Union summit in Copenhagen. The dates are also later than Ankara wants.
The United States has applied public pressure on the EU to take a decisive step toward admitting Turkey, a NATO ally vital for any military action against Iraq and elsewhere in the region.
Diplomats in Brussels said the 15-nation EU was unlikely to go much beyond the Franco-German position since public opinion in many member states was frightened of admitting Turkey, a secular but overwhelmingly Muslim country of nearly 70 million.
"Concerning France and Germany, we thought our position could be the following: December 2004, a meeting of sorts to examine... whether Turkey fully respects the Copenhagen criteria," Chirac told reporters.
"Should this be the case -- start of negotiations from July 2005," he said after meeting Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen.
Rasmussen, whose country currently holds the EU presidency, said he would make what he called a "balanced" offer to Turkey but gave no details.
He said in London earlier that opinions differed widely among EU leaders. He had offered five or six alternatives and would make a final evaluation of their responses next week.
BIG DISAPPOINTMENT FOR TURKEY
Turkish Prime Minister Abdullah Gul said any EU decision short of a solid date for talks would be a big disappointment.
"Interim formulae that do not include giving Turkey a definite date for negotiations will be a long way from meeting the expectations of our government and our people," Gul said.
Such an outcome could cloud United Nations-mediated efforts to end the division of Cyprus before it joins the EU in 2004, since diplomats say Turkish Cypriot acceptance of a U.N. peace plan has become intertwined with Turkey's own EU bid.
The December 12-13 EU summit is due to conclude entry talks with 10 countries, including Cyprus, which has been divided since Turkey invaded the north in 1974 in reaction to a pro-Greek coup in Nicosia.
If Ankara is not satisfied with the offer it receives, it may not push reluctant Turkish Cypriot leader Rauf Denktash to sign up to U.N. proposals as a basis for a settlement.
The EU says Turkey must end torture, punish torturers, free all political prisoners, widen freedom of speech, improve minority rights and get the military out of politics to meet its so-called Copenhagen criteria for membership.
It also insists that Ankara clear the way for Europe to gain assured access to NATO planning and assets for its own military operations before its candidacy moves forward.
Britain has taken a similar line to the United States. Foreign Secretary Jack Straw told a London press lunch: "There is no reason why a firm date cannot now be set for the beginning of those negotiations (for Turkey)."
But U.S. lobbying has raised hackles elsewhere in Europe. Elmar Brok, chairman of the European Parliament's foreign affairs committee, said: "The United States does not always understand that the EU is not just a free trade area. Would they be willing to admit Mexico?"
Austria, the Netherlands and Luxembourg, all with Christian Democratic leaders, are most reticent about giving Turkey any clear path to membership, while Britain, Italy and Greece are most supportive of setting a date now.
EU Enlargement Commissioner Guenter Veheugen voiced concern this week that parliamentary ratification of the current wave of enlargement, involving 10 mostly ex-communist states, could be jeopardized in some member states if it became linked to a debate about Turkey.
The Franco-German compromise would delay the review of Ankara's candidacy
until ratification was over.
3. -UPI - "U.N. studying reactions to Cyprus plan":
UNITED NATIONS / December 5, 2002
By William M. Reilly
Formal reactions to Secretary-General Kofi Annan's Nov. 11 Cyprus reunification proposals were being studied at U.N. headquarters Thursday, following an aborted attempt a day earlier to simultaneously submit them on the Mediterranean isle and in New York.
Both sides had previously positively accepted the recommendations, as Annan had sought early indications of their views -- without going into details -- because of a looming deadline involving the European Union summit beginning Dec. 12 in Copenhagen. Only two days ago, the secretary-general was optimistic an accord could be reached.
"We received them, and we are studying them," Stephane Dujurric, a U.N. spokesman, said of the follow-up detailed replies and suggestions for modifications received Thursday.
The secretary-general proposed a Switzerland-like federation, but of only two separate but politically equal cantons.
Because of glitches in Wednesday's attempt at simultaneous submittals, the Turkish Cypriots handed in theirs first at headquarters then the Greek Cypriots turned in their version to U.N. officials on Cyprus, the spokesman said.
A statement from the U.N. Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus, announced earlier Thursday the failed attempt of the previous evening.
"The United Nations was informed by the Turkish Cypriot side that they were prepared to hand over to the Secretariat (in New York) their reactions to the secretary-general's Nov. 11 proposal," said the Nicosia statement. "Since the Greek Cypriot side had indicated its willingness to provide the same once the Turkish Cypriot side was ready, simultaneous appointments were set up in New York and Nicosia."
The statement said the Greek Cypriot side handed an envelope to the United Nations at a predetermined time on the understanding that the Turkish Cypriot side was doing the same in New York.
"Regrettably, the Turkish Cypriot side did not do so, explaining that for technical reasons hand over would be delayed until midnight New York time," the statement said, adding that delivery was promised for Thursday in New York. "Accordingly, the Greek Cypriot envelope was returned to the Greek Cypriot side in the morning of Dec. 5, having been kept in confidence in the interval."
The secretary-general had asked for their comments, suggestions or requests by Nov. 30.
"The United Nations has protested to the Turkish Cypriot side, which has conveyed its apologies through the United Nations to the Greek Cypriot side," the Nicosia U.N. statement said.
New arrangements were made for the receipt "in appropriate and secure circumstances" which eventually were carried out later Thursday.
The whole process, as difficult as it would be under normal circumstances, was complicated by a prolonged hospitalization in New York of Turkish Cypriot Leader Rauf Denktash following heart surgery.
Greek Cypriot leader Glafcos Clerides was the first to signal acceptance of the Annan proposals as a basis for negotiation.
The Copenhagen Summit has opened what Annan has described as a rare window of opportunity putting pressure on both sides to resolve the decades-old problem.
Cyprus has a membership application pending before the European Union and Turkey is seeking to get an application. The problem remains that the Greek Cypriots are recognized by the international community and are members of the United Nations. Only Ankara recognizes the Turkish Cypriot community.
Turkey has threatened to annex its northern part of the island if Cyprus becomes an EU member. Greece, already an EU member, has threatened to veto all applications if that happens.
In the eastern Mediterranean and just off the coast of Syria, Cyprus has long been a Middle East listening point -- currently it is the jumping off point for U.N. weapons inspectors in Iraq.
Copies of the nearly 150-page Annan proposal were sent to Greece, Turkey and Britain in their capacities as guarantor powers under a 1960 Treaty of Guarantee, the year Cyprus gained independence from Britain and became a member of the United Nations.
Violence between the Greek and Turkish communities broke out in 1963. In 1964, the Security Council established the U.N. Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus to keep the Turkish north separated from the Greek south by a buffer zone.
A Greek-inspired military coup in 1974 led to a Turkish invasion. In 1983, the Turkish-held area declared itself the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus.
When asked about Cyprus Tuesday, Annan told reporters, "My dream
is to see a united Cyprus admitted to the European Union and a Cyprus
that would enter EU and prosper as one nation. I think the people
have gone through this conflict for several decades, and we now have
an opportunity to end it."
4. - Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung - "It is not too late":
by Klaus-Dieter Frankenberger / 6 December 2002
Dishonesty has been the basis of the European-Turkish relationship
for years. The relationship is dishonest because the announcement
of a prospective membership, the promotion to membership candidate
status and the innumerable affirmations of a 'European calling' for
the Eurasian country have been carried by the cynical conviction that
the internal state of Turkey would never allow an accession procedure
to cross the line from promise to political reality.
This game has apparently come to an end because - ironically - a new,
Islamic-influenced government in Ankara is fervently trying to meet
the catalogue of requirements set by the European Union. Whatever
the Turkish domestic political calculations behind this, it clearly
puts the ball in the European court. If it were not such a hugely
important issue, it would be tempting to say, “Serves you right.“
Certainly, the German chancellor is right when he says Germany has
a vested interest in the success of those in Turkey who oppose the
takeover of the state by fundamentalists.
Of course Europe is interested in such a success, but is EU accession
the only path that leads to that goal, and any other form of cooperation
a guarantee of a drift toward Islamism? This alternative does not
exist, and to claim that it does comes close to political extortion.
And the German chancellor should be granted the small triumph of charging
the opposition with what their members have launched out in the past
about Turkey's accession to the EU.
That the red-Green coalition has named Helmut Kohl of all people as
the patron of their Turkey policy and can thus rely on continuity
may let the Christian Democratic parties look like a troop of warriors
caught red-handed whose furor comes across as a bit snobbish. But
that does not refute their basic objection, because Europe and Turkey
are separated by more than just a deficit in reforms here and pre-modern
practice there.
Whoever gives Turkey a date or a timeframe now has to know where that
path leads. At its end is a de-Europeanized EU, its identity reduced
to an arbitrarily interpretable construction. It is still worth a
fundamental debate.
5. - Radio Free Europe - "Turkey: Partial Commitment On Iraq War Satisfies U.S. Planners":
Prague / 5 December 2002
By Charles Recknagel
As Washington seeks to line up international support for possible military action against Iraq, Turkey this week provided the clearest outline yet of its terms for joining a coalition. Ankara said Washington could use its air bases but that Turkish public opinion would have difficulty accepting large numbers of U.S. ground troops attacking Iraq from Turkish soil. Turkey's statements have sparked some press debate over whether such conditional support is a setback or success for Washington's potential war plans.
U.S. President George W. Bush has frequently said Washington will lead a military coalition against Iraq if Baghdad does not fully disarm in cooperation with ongoing UN arms inspections.
He repeated that vow again this week at a political rally in the southern United States. "The fundamental question is -- in the name of peace, in the name of security, not only for America and the American people, in the name of security for our friends and the neighborhood, in the name of freedom -- will this man [Saddam Hussein] disarm? The choice is his, and if he does not disarm, the United States of America will lead a coalition and disarm him in the name of peace," Bush said.
But despite Washington's determination to disarm Iraq by force if necessary, many potential coalition partners continue to express only conditional support for a military campaign.
One of the most important of these partners is Turkey, which borders Iraq and already provides a base for U.S. and British airplanes patrolling the northern no-fly zone.
Ankara this week said it would allow Washington to use its air bases to strike targets across Iraq in the event of a campaign against Baghdad. But Turkish Foreign Minister Yasar Yakis said his government would have a domestic public-opinion problem with accepting large numbers of U.S. troops on its soil for ground operations against its neighbor. "If we are talking about the extensive presence of American forces in Turkey, we have difficulty in explaining this to Turkish public opinion. It may be difficult to see thousands of American forces being transported through Turkish territory into Iraq or being stationed or deployed somewhere in Turkey and then carrying out strikes in Iraq."
At the same time, Yakis -- who spoke after meeting with U.S. Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz in Ankara on 3 December -- said Washington should "leave no stone unturned" in seeking to avert a war. Other Turkish officials have said that means Ankara would not favor action without a new UN resolution authorizing the use of military force against Iraq, a resolution Washington says is not necessary.
After Yakis's comments this week, a report in "The Wall Street Journal" said: "the foreign minister's suggestion...that Turkey wouldn't likely allow a large U.S. ground force to launch attacks on Iraq from Turkey is a setback for U.S. war plans. The Pentagon had hoped to mount attacks on Baghdad...from both the north and the south, forcing the Iraqi military to fight on multiple fronts."
But another Western daily, Britain's "The Guardian," reported that Turkey's agreement "to allow its military bases to be used for an invasion of Iraq" enabled "the U.S. to threaten Baghdad with a two-front war." The paper said "Turkey's green light represents a significant success for the U.S., which a few months ago was having difficulties securing the agreement of any of Iraq's neighbors for military action."
To better determine whether Turkey's expression of conditional support is likely to help or hinder Washington's war planning, RFE/RL spoke to several experts on U.S. military strategy.
Andrew Brooks of the International Institute for Strategic Studies in London said that U.S. officials are likely to be fully satisfied with Ankara's pledge this week to provide air bases, because they do not believe Turkey can publicly commit to more than that at this time.
He said that position recognizes that the international community has only endorsed efforts to disarm Iraq, not to invade it, and Ankara is acting within those limits. "At present, I can see no way you are going to sell a large American force going [into Iraq], because there is no mandate to send a large force in. Nobody is going to sign up to a mass invasion of Iraq by conventional forces," Brooks said.
Brooks said that the only thing most countries feel comfortable doing publicly is endorsing such goals as destroying Iraq's weapons-of-mass-destruction programs by force if Baghdad does not disarm peacefully, and in some cases, welcoming the possibility that Saddam Hussein's dictatorial regime could collapse in the process. "All the UN and international community are going to do is sign up to a precision [air]-strike capability to sort out his weapons of mass destruction and perhaps on the focusing of local opposition to unseat Saddam Hussein and his band of brothers," Brooks said.
But the analyst said that Washington and London believe that the reluctance of Turkey and other countries to talk about ground operations against Iraq could change should an air campaign begin.
Brooks said that should sustained air strikes fail to end the Iraq crisis, coalition partners would find it easier to publicly support a U.S.-led ground intervention. That would follow the model of the 1999 Kosovo crisis, in which 11 weeks of initial reliance on air strikes alone produced mounting international calls for NATO's ultimate use of troops.
Andrew Koch, the Washington bureau chief for the London-based "Jane's Defence Weekly," agrees that Turkey's conditional support is enough for Washington at this time.
He said that U.S. officials got what they wanted from Ankara regarding air bases and may not even want permission for ground troops. He said that, instead, the Pentagon's plans for a "northern front" may focus on helping Iraqi-Kurd fighters tie down Baghdad's troops while a U.S. ground attack itself comes across Iraq's southern borders. "[The Iraqi Kurds] don't have big tanks, and they don't have the heavy equipment, but combined with U.S. air power and Special Operations troops to do the spotting [for U.S. bombers], that would probably be enough to have a kind of [second] front. Not a major battle but enough to pin down Saddam's troops in that area," Koch said.
Koch said such a strategy could see Iraqi Kurds deploying in a defensive line under the cover of U.S. air power, forcing Baghdad to respond with a large northern deployment of its own. Pentagon planners are reported to have developed numerous war scenarios, and there is continual press speculation as to what shape any final strategy may take.
This week's effort to secure Turkey's contribution to any war against Iraq comes as Washington has sent queries to dozens of governments for possible support, both within the Persian Gulf region and outside it.
To encourage Ankara's cooperation, the United States has been pressing
European countries to facilitate Turkey's entry into the European
Union. Washington also has promised increased support for Turkey's
troubled economy through the International Monetary Fund and assured
Ankara that the United States does not support establishment of a
Kurdish state.
6. - Turkish Daily News - "Turkey did not make commitments on Iraq":
ANKARA / 6 December 2002
Evaluating the visit of U.S. Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz and Deputy Secretary of State Marc Grossman to Ankara, the Prime Ministry said that Turkey has made no commitments to a possible Iraq operation and the Turkish Parliament is the final authority that will make the decisions on possible military means.
"The government has not taken any political decision on the issue yet and Turkey discussed the issue with the U.S. officials within the scope of strategic cooperation and close dialog," said a written statement issued from the Prime Ministry.
"Close political, military and economic consultations between Turkey and the U.S. will also continue in the future, taking into account all the possibilities. The interests of Turkey will be protected carefully as before," the statement read.
Meanwhile, urging Turkey to support the U.S.'s probable military strike against Iraq, the U.S. has invited Justice and Development Party leader Recep Tayyip Erdogan to Washington to meet President George W. Bush, where the two were expected to discuss U.S.-Turkish cooperation.
U.S. Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz, speaking in Ankara to a small group of journalists, said, "Turkey's role is clear. It is clear for Iraq as well. Turkey will cooperate with us in the future as it did in the past. The Iraqi regime is surrounded by the international community."
Wolfowitz, said the U.S. military was looking to use several Turkish bases. Turkey borders Iraq and is already home to some 50 U.S. aircraft that patrol a no-fly zone over Iraq.
Wolfowitz indicated that Iraq has to know that it will be either voluntarily or reluctantly disarmed. He said that the Turkish contribution in the advent of probable military action is not decided yet. "But we know that Turkey will act with us. This is the most important thing," he said.
Wolfowitz pointed out that Turkey has more capabilities than other coalition members in case of probable use of military force. He said that Turkish troops contribution is one those alternatives.
"We have an agreement to move forward with concrete measures of military planning and preparations," Wolfowitz told reporters.
"That planning effort and those preparatory measures are essential to working out with some specificity what kinds of forces might be based in Turkey, where they might be based, what kinds of improvements would have to be made to facilities in Turkey," Wolfowitz said.
"We are talking potentially about tens of millions, probably several hundred million dollars of investment in several facilities that we might use," he added.
Wolfowitz's statement comes a day after Foreign Minister Yasar Yakis said his country would allow the United States to use military bases. But a few hours after Yakis spoke, the Foreign Ministry clarified that he was speaking of "possibilities," not promises.
"Let me make clear," Wolfowitz said when asked about the Turkish statements. "There isn't a firm American request."
He said that discussions on which bases would be needed "will bring us hopefully fairly quickly to the next level of discussions and decisions. Until we are at that point we are still talking very theoretically."
"I am quite confident that we will in fact have a significant level of Turkish participation ... exactly how much is something that we are working on these days," he said.
"It was said at all levels of the government that we spoke to that Turkey has been with us always in the past. They will be with us now," Wolfowitz said. "Turkish support is assured and I think that it is a very strong message to Saddam Hussein and the regime in Baghdad that Iraq is surrounded by the international community."
In addition to Incirlik air base, which U.S. aircraft now use to patrol a no-fly zone over Iraq, Turkey has helicopter bases near the Iraqi border and another main air force base in the center of the country, a little more than an hours flying time from Iraq.
Yakis said Tuesday that Turkey would have trouble supporting a large presence of U.S. ground troops in the country.
When asked about the use of ground troops based in Turkey, Wolfowitz said that it would be in Turkey's interest if the U.S. had forces in northern Iraq during a conflict. Turkey fears that Kurds in northern Iraq could declare independence if the Iraqi government collapses. That could encourage autonomy-seeking Turkish Kurds in Turkey's own southeast.
"It is strongly our position ... that Turkey will be better off if we are there to help manage what comes afterward," Wolfowitz said.
But he added that "I think we are quite comfortable with what we can do from the south."
If there is a war in Iraq, any major U.S. thrust would be expected to come from the south.
Yakis also specified that Turkey would want U.N. approval of any military action before granting the use of its bases.
When asked if the United States would have to seek a new U.N. resolution to use force against Iraq, Yakis said Tuesday: "Yes, yes, yes."
Wolfowitz said that the issue of U.N. approval was one that was being discussed by the two governments.
"It is an important question and it is one that we need to clarify at the highest levels of both governments," Wolfowitz said.
Wolfowitz stated that he observes a great will in Turkey to adopt European values and to get EU membership. Wolfowitz said that his perception about Turkish policy towards Iraq is similar to the U.S.
Wolfowitz said that Turkish economic losses were also discussed. He stated that the U.S. recommends forming an economical security zone in order to diminish losses.
American media interpret differently
"Turkey Has Conditions for Support of War " reports the
Washington Post.
The Post reported Yakis's statement on Tuesday that his government might, under certain circumstances, cooperate with U.S. military forces and allow American warplanes to bomb Iraq from bases in Turkey if war is necessary to disarm President Saddam Hussein's government.
The minister's statements, represented Turkey's public response to Deputy Defense Secretary Paul D. Wolfowitz, who came Turkey on Monday seeking a commitment for military cooperation should President Bush decide to launch a war against Iraq. Judging from what Yakis said, the response was yes, but with significant conditions according to the Post.
After meeting with Wolfowitz, Yakis said public opposition would make it difficult for his government to allow "tens of thousands" of U.S. ground troops to invade Iraq from bases in Turkey. But he left the door open to basing smaller units in Turkey and called military cooperation a "priority" for Turkey if war becomes necessary. "We believe there should not be left any stone unturned before resorting to military force," Yakis told reporters. "But if it comes to that, of course we will cooperate with the United States."
The Turkish Foreign Ministry issued a statement late tonight clarifying that Yakis's remarks were based on "hypothetical" cases and did not represent a final Turkish decision on U.S. access to bases on Turkish soil. The ministry's decision to clarify the comments underlined how delicate the issue is here for a government that took office only last week.
The Post reported that a senior U.S. official said to the Post that talks with Turkish officials had not involved a discussion of how many U.S. troops would be involved in an invasion of northern Iraq, or how many Turkish troops might be necessary to police refugees or guard prisoners of war along the border. He discounted reports in the Turkish press that the Bush administration wants to stage 120,000 combat troops in Turkey and has requested 35,000 Turkish troops to oversee refugees along the Iraqi frontier.
The diplomat also said the United States has assured Turkey on several key points:
First, that it is opposed to seeing a separate Kurdish state in northern Iraq, which Turkish authorities have said they will not tolerate. Second, that it opposes letting the Kurds end up in control of Mosul and Kirkuk, two of northern Iraq's main cities. Third, that oil resources in Iraq will belong to the central government if Hussein's rule is destroyed, meaning the Iraqi Kurds would have no independent funding from the northern oil fields. And fourth, that it will compensate Turkey for the cost of the war, although both sides are still far apart on specifics.
The Post, reporting a senior Turkish diplomat's words, indicated that Turkey lost an estimated $40 billion due to the Gulf War. The country is nervous about losing more this time. In fact, Turks argue that even the talk of war is having a negative economic impact, discouraging investment and tourism and raising oil prices.
"I can't emphasize enough how much the experience of war with Iraq the last time is alive still in our minds, especially in the south and southeast," the diplomat said.
Meanwhile Democratic Left Party (DSP) leader and former Premier Bulent Ecevit said the different statements made by Foreign Ministry and General Staff on one of the sensitive issues of Turkish foreign policy is very dangerous and added Turkey is approaching to a turmoil and war.
"The leader of the governing party is trying to determine state
policy on its own. There is an important contradiction and much turmoil
regarding this in Turkey," said Ecevit.